User:Sumiaz/sandbox

Cultural divisions
Arizona has historically been a place where various peoples have brought their own traditions and adapted them to life in an often inhospitable desert environment. The combination of migration, adaptation, and trade has allowed Arizona to become a crossroads where multiple outside cultures intermingle and develop into something characteristic to the region. While positive for cultural and technological development, this constant contact has created difficulties in identifying distinct historical cultures within the region. Pre-Columbian Arizonan archeology has a number of limitations for multiple reasons, which help to explain the difficulty in establishing a definitive chronology:

Hohokam chronology

 * Bayman's Formative Period extends to c.1200BC in the Tucson basin. It is broken down into the 1200-800BC San Pedro phase and 800BC-0AD Cienega phase.

Ceramic typology

 * Classic period ceramics most often contained phyllite, Squaw Peak schist, Camelback granite, Estrella gneiss, South Mountain granodiorite, and/or micaceous schist (Abbott DR, 2016).
 * Phyllite is found in Wingfield Plain and Wingfield Red pottery.
 * Squaw Peak schist is found in Squaw Peak Plain and Squaw Peak Red pottery.
 * Micaceous schist is found in Gila Plain, Gila Variety, and Gila Red pottery.
 * "Sand" (granite, gneiss, and/or granodiorite) is found in Salt Plain, Salt Variety, and Salt Red pottery.
 * Each type can be identified at 30x magnification.

Sobaipuri

 * Lived along the San Pedro Valley.
 * Acted as a buffer against Apache attacks during the Spanish era.
 * Following successive raids and manpower losses, they largely abandoned the valley c.1762.
 * Some accounts suggest that they were forcibly relocated to frontier Piman missions by the Spanish to bolster their defenses. In 1764, Fr. Manuel Aguirre criticized the Spanish decision, arguing that the Tubac garrison should have been moved to the San Pedro Valley instead to reinforce the Sobaipuri.
 * Another account suggests that the Sobaipuri voluntarily abandoned the area, with Gaybanipitea being permanently abandoned due to death taboos and Quiburi being resettled following rapprochement with the Apaches.
 * Movement of the Sobaipuri has been implicated in the increased number of Apache raids on central Sonora.

Osera

 * Notes from Juan de Oñate: "Near this river [the Gila] there were four or five rancherías (for because the houses of all this river are ranchos I call its settlements rancherías) of people of a different language [from Yuman], from whom I learned that a continuous settlement extended all along the River Nombre de Jesus [Gila] already mentioned, and that they planted maize, beans, and squash like the Amacavas and Bahacechas and made mantas of cotton, some of which I saw, which are stitched like those of the provinces of New Mexico. The people or nation of the River Nombre de Jesus are called Osera, and from words which I learned from them (though having learned only a few I do not affirm it positively) them to be Tepeguanes [Tepehuan], for seeing in the village of Sonbretete [in Zacatecas] a religious who was a Tepeguane interpreter, I learned that the dress of the Tepeguanes was the same as those of the Osera; and I saw likewise that they agreed in the two or three words which I remembered, for, having found these Indians less friendly, and more importunate and more ill-favored than any of those who lived on the River of Buena Esperanza [Colorado], I learned fewer words of their language than of the Amacava. "The costume of the women of this nation of Ocara was the same as that of those encountered heretofore.  That of the men differed only in the hair, which these wear very long, tied with a maguey cord twisted round the head.  Otherwise they go naked like all the rest.  Near the rancherías of these last, twenty or more horses were left behind, since there was good grass for grazing, in order that they might make up for the lack of it they had suffered, and that they might be able to return to the province of New Mexico; but when we returned from the sea we found that the Indians had killed and eaten thirteen of them.  We had almost certain evidence that they and no others were the guilty ones, although they denied it in great fear, and unanimously placed the blame on others; and we were forced under the circumstances to bear the loss in patience, since they inflicted it on us at the time when no one was rude in our presence, and when it was considered unnecessary to watch the horse-herd at night, as was true from time to time when we set out from the provinces of New Mexico until we returned, so great was the friendliness of the Indians."

Nixora

 * Origin of Nixora is unclear. Spier suggests a Yuman origin, from nyicao'ʀa "for the old," reflecting a custom where "captives were thought to carry sickness which would fall on the captor unless he got rid of them or they were purified.  Women and girls were given into the custody of old men, who, since they had not much longer to live, might chance the danger of keeping them."  Because of this, there is a debate as to whether the Nixora were a distinct tribe, or just a collective term for captives that were successively sold between Yumans, Pimans, and the Spanish.
 * In the 1740's, Fr. Jacobo Sedelmayr described Halchidhoma reports of Nixotas along the Colorado River. Sedelmayr never encountered free Nixora, but reported of them within the slave trade.  Later he reported that the Papagos spread rumors among the Cocomaricopa to discourage them from visiting the Spanish missions, and consequently selling slaves directly to the Spanish.
 * Fr. Pedro Font was certain of Juan Bautista de Anza that "in order heap up salaries he had listed an interpreter of the Nixora tribe, although there is no such tribe, for in the Pimeria they call Nixoras the Indians whom the tribes of the interior in their wars capture amongst themselves..." On 22 March 1781, he wedded two Nixoras in San Diego de Pitiquito, mentioning that the baptized Andrés and María were "of the Jamajab Tribe" [Mohave] and "Cajuenche Tribe" [Kahuana], respectively.
 * After 1800, Yuma began to replace Nixora as a term for slaves or servants traded in this manner in Sonora.
 * Last appeared in Spanish documents c.1847.

Oñate accounts
Juan de Oñate records the following groups along the lower Colorado River in 1604-1605, going south from the confluence with the Bill Williams River.
 * Amacava - the Mohave
 * Bahacecha - a Yuman-speaking group, possibly the Quechan
 * Osera - a Piman-speaking group that lived around the confluence with the Gila River.
 * Alebdoma - the Halchidhoma
 * Coguana - the Kohuana
 * Agalle - possibly a Yuman-speaking group
 * Agalecquamaya - the Halyikwamai
 * Cocopa - the Cocopah

Gila
The commonly-mentioned etymology is that Gila is related to the the O'odham Keli "elder" via Spanish. But the sound change has seemed odd.
 * The Gila River has historically seen its name rendered as Gila, Hila, Jila, Xila, Hela, and Helay.
 * Possible origin from Apache tsihl or dzil "mountain." Benavides mentions the Apaches de Xila in 1634.

Spanish expeditions

 * Melchior Díaz, 1540.
 * Juan de Oñate, 1604-1605. Accounts by friar Francisco de Escobar and captain Gerónimo Márquez.
 * Eusebio Francisco Kino,

Morphology
The words of Nahuatl can be divided into three basic functional classes: verbs, nouns and particles. Adjectives exist, but they generally behave like nouns and there are very few adjectives that are not derived from either verbal or nominal roots. The few adverbs that can be said to exist fall into the class of particles.

Nouns
The noun is inflected for two basic contrasting categories:


 * possessedness: non-possessed contrasts with possessed
 * number: singular contrasts with plural

Nouns belong to one of two classes: animates or inanimates. Originally the grammatical distinction between these were that inanimate nouns had no plural forms, but in most modern dialects both animate and inanimate nouns are pluralizable.

Nominal morphology is mostly suffixing. Some irregular formations exist.

Possessedness
Non-possessed nouns take a suffix called the absolutive. This suffix takes the form -tl after vowels (ā-tl, "water") and -tli after consonants, which assimilates to a final /l/ (tōch-tli, "rabbit", but cal-li, "house"). Some nouns have an irregular form in -in (mich-in, fish). These suffixes are dropped in most derived forms: tōch-calli, "rabbit-hole", mich-matlatl, "fishing net". Possessed nouns do not take the absolutive suffix (see Noun inflection below).

Number

 * The absolutive singular suffix has three basic forms: -tl/tli, -lin/-in, and some irregular nouns with no suffix.
 * The absolutive plural suffix has three basic forms: -tin, -meh, or just a final glottal stop -h. Some plurals are formed also with reduplication of the noun's first or second syllable, with the reduplicated vowel long.
 * The possessive singular suffix has two basic forms: -uh (on stems ending in a vowel) or -Ø (on stems ending in a consonant).
 * The possessive plural suffix has the form -huān.

Only animate nouns can take a plural form. These include most animate living beings, but also words like tepētl ("mountain"), citlālin ("star") and some other phenomena.

The plural is not totally stable and in many cases several different forms are attested.

Possessor prefixes
Example: nocal, 'my house'

Some other categories can be inflected on the noun such as:
 * Honorific formed with the suffix -tzin.
 * cihuā-tl "woman" + tzin+ tli absolutive = cihuātzintli "woman (said with respect)"

Inalienable possession
The suffix -yo — the same suffix as the abstract/collective -yō(tl) — may be added to a possessed noun to indicate that it is a part of its possessor, rather than just being owned by it. For example, both nonac and nonacayo (possessed forms of nacatl) mean "my meat", but nonac may refer to meat that one has to eat, while nonacayo refers to the flesh that makes up one's body. This is known as inalienable, integral or organic possession.

Derivational morphology

 * -tia derives from noun X a verb with an approximate meaning of "to provide with X " or "to become X".
 * -huia derives from noun X a verb with an approximate meaning of "to use X " or "to provide with X".
 * -yōtl derives from a noun X a noun with an abstract meaning of x-hood or x-ness.
 * -yoh derives from a noun X a noun with a meaning of "thing full of X" or "thing with a lot of X"

The structure of verb forms
The verb is marked with prefixes in order to agree with the person and number of the subject and the object of the sentence; additionally, verbs inflect for tense and aspect. Here are three sentence types, each containing a single word: a nominal predicate, an intransitive sentence, and a transitive sentence.

Caution: ti- means 'you (singular)' but ti-____-h means 'we'.
 * ticihuātl, 'you (singular) are a woman' (sentence with a noun predicate cihuātl, 'woman')
 * ticochi, 'you (singular) sleep' (sentence with an intransitive verb, -cochi, 'sleep')
 * ticochih, 'we sleep' (sentence with an intransitive verb, -cochi, 'sleep')
 * tiquimittah 'we see them' (sentence with a transitive verb, -itta-, 'see')

From these examples, it can be seen that the arrangement of a verb stem and its argument affixes is as follows:

SUBJECT PREFIX + OBJECT PREFIX + VERB STEM + 'h' (example: 'ti-quim-itta-h', we - them - see - we, i.e., 'we see them')

Affixes for the arguments of the verb (subject and object)
In the table below, Ø indicates there is no marker in the given position.

Temporal and aspectual affixes

 * Present: has no suffix.
 * Customary present or Quotidian: -ni; niquittāni "I used to see it" nipēhuāni "I used to start".
 * Perfect: -c/h/?/Ø, (ō)niquittac "I saw him/her/it (preterit aspect)", ōnipēuh "I started"
 * Note that the optional ō- prefix on the perfect form indicates the act described has consequences that affect the present. Its absence is common in mythic or historical narratives.
 * Future: -z; niquittaz "I will see him/her/it ", nipēhuaz "I will start"
 * Imperfect: -ya; niquittāya "I saw him/her/it (imperfect aspect)", nipēhuāya "I started"
 * Irrealis: -zquiya; niquittāzquiya "I would have seen him/her/it", nipēhuazquiya "I would have started"
 * Pluperfect: -ca; niquittaca "I had seen him", nipēuca "I had started''
 * Optative: -cān; niquittacān "would that I could see him", nipēucān "would that I could start"
 * Admonitive: -(h)tin; niquittatin "don't let me see him", nipēucatin "don't let me start"

Applicative
The applicative construction adds an argument to the verb. The role of the added argument can be benefactive, malefactive, indirect object or similar. It is formed by the suffix -lia.
 * niquittilia "I see it for him"

Causative
The causative construction also adds an argument to the verb. This argument is an agent causing the object to undertake the action of the verb. It is formed by the suffix -tia.
 * niquittatia "I make him see it/I show it to him"

Unspecified Subject/Passive
The construction called "passive" by some grammarians and "unspecified subject construction" by others removes the subject from the valency of the verb, substituting it with a null reference, and promoting the argument marked by object prefixes to subject. The passive or unspecified subject construction uses one of two suffixes: -lo or -hua.
 * quitta "he sees it"+ -lo= quittalo "it is seen (by someone)"
 * miqui "he dies" + hua = micohua "there is dying/people are dying"

Directional affixes
Deixis:
 * -on- "away from the speaker"
 * on+ tlahtoa "to speak" = ontlahtoa "he/she/it speaks towards there"
 * -huāl- " towards the speaker"
 * huāl+ tlahtoa "to speak" = huāllahtoa "he/she/it speaks towards here"

Introvert: Imperfective: -qui  "comes towards the speaker in order to X" qui + itta "to see" + qui ="quittaqui "he/she/it will come here to see it" Perfective: -co "has come towards the speaker in order to X" qui + itta "to see" + co =quittaco "he/she/it has come here to see it"

Extrovert: Imperfective: -tīuh "goes away from the speaker in order to X" qui + itta "to see" + tīuh ="quittatīuh "he/she/it will go there to see it" Perfective: -to " has gone away from the speaker in order to X" qui + itta "to see" + to =quittato "he/she/it has gone there to see it"

Derivational
A number of different suffixes exist to derive nouns from verbs:

tla "something" + ixca "roast" + l + tli = tlaxcalli "something roasted/ a tortilla"
 * -lli used to derive passivized nouns from verbs.

tla + ihcuiloa "write/draw" + l - tli = tlahcuilolli "scripture/ a drawing"

miqui "to die" + liztli = miquiliztli "death"
 * -liztli used to derive abstract nouns from verbs.

tlahcuiloa "to write something" + liztli = tlahcuiloliztli "the concept of writing or being a scribe"

ichtequi "to steal" + qui = ichtecqui "a thief"
 * -qui used to derive agentive nouns from verbs.

tlahuāna "to become drunk" + qui = tlahuānqui "a drunkard"

miqui "to die" +ni = miquīni "a mortal"
 * -ni used to derive habitual nouns from verbs.

cuacua "to bite" + ni = cuacuāni "someone that is known to be capable of or to habitually bite"

tla- "something" + ihtoā "to speak" + ni = tlahtoāni "one that says things; a speaker"

Verbal compounds
Two verbs can be compounded with the ligature morpheme -ti-.

Relational Nouns and Locatives
Spatial and other relations are expressed with relational nouns. Some locative suffixes also exist.

Noun Incorporation
Noun incorporation is productive in Classical Nahuatl and different kinds of material can be incorporated.
 * Body parts
 * Instruments
 * Objects

Missions

 * Misión de Cuquiárachi founded in 1645, south of Fronteras, Sonora
 * San Ignacio de Cabórica was founded in 1687 and is located in San Ignacio, Sonora.
 * Santa Teresa de Atil was founded in 1687, in the small town of Atil, Sonora.
 * Santa María Magdalena was founded in 1687, located in Magdalena de Kino, Sonora. Padre Kino's grave is located here.
 * San José de Imuris was founded in 1687, in Imuris, Sonora.
 * Nuestra Señora del Pilar y Santiago de Cocóspera was founded in 1689. It is located in Cocóspera, Sonora.
 * San Antonio Paduano del Oquitoa was founded in 1689. It is located in Oquitoa, Sonora.
 * San Diego del Pitiquito was founded in 1689. It is located in Pitiquito, Sonora.
 * San Luis Bacoancos was founded in 1691, but was soon abandoned after Apache attacks.
 * Mission San Cayetano del Tumacacori was founded in 1691 at a native Sobaipuri settlement. Later a church was built. After the 1751 Pima Revolt the settlement and mission were moved to the opposite side of the river and became --
 * Mission San José de Tumacácori, the presently known location that is a National Historic Park. The farming land around the mission was sold at auction in 1834 and the mission was abandoned by 1840. It is now a National Monument in  Tumacácori National Historical Park in Southern Arizona.
 * Mission Los Santos Ángeles de Guevavi was founded in 1691 and is the location of the first church built in southern Arizona. The church was initially established in a native settlement, but then was destroyed by fire, probably during an indigenous uprising. The church rebuilt in new locations twice, the final and largest one being built in 1751. Its ruins are part of Tumacácori National Historical Park.
 * San Lázaro was founded in 1691, but was soon abandoned after Apache attacks.
 * San Xavier del Bac (O'odham [Papago]: Wa:k), 16 miles south of Tucson, Arizona, founded in 1692, the present building dates from 1785. The interior is richly decorated with ornaments showing a mixture of New Spain and Native American artistic motifs. It is still used by Tohono O'odham and Yaqui tribal members.
 * Mission San Cosme y Damián de Tucsón: founded 1692
 * La Purísima Concepción de Nuestra Señora de Caborca: founded 1693
 * Mission Santa María Suamca: Originally founded as Santa María del Pilar in 1693, the location changed and it became known as Santa María Suamca (spellings vary), now Santa Cruz, Sonora.
 * San Valentín de Busanic/Bisanig: founded 1693
 * Nuestra Señora de Loreto y San Marcelo de Sonoyta: founded 1693
 * Nuestra Señora de la Ascención de Opodepe: founded 1704
 * Los Reyes de Sonoita/Los Reyes del Sonoydag/San Ignacio de Sonoitac: a ranchería near Patagonia founded 1692.

=Creative cities network= The UNESCO Creative Cities Network (UCCN) is a project of UNESCO launched in 2004 to promote cooperation among cities which recognized creativity as a major factor in their urban development. , there are 180 cities from 72 countries in the network.

The network recognizes the concept of creative tourism, defined as travel associated with creative experience and participation, and aims to foster mutual international cooperation with and between member cities committed to invest in creativity as a driver for sustainable urban development, social inclusion and cultural vibrancy. The overall situation and activities within the Network is reported in the UCCN Membership Monitoring Reports, each for a 4-year period for a particular city. The network recognizes the following creative fields: crafts and folk art, design, film, gastronomy, literature, media arts, and music.

List of members
=Nakasendo=

Stations of the Nakasendō
The sixty-nine stations of the Nakasendō, in addition to the starting and ending locations (which are shared with the Tōkaidō), are listed below in order. The stations are divided by their present-day prefecture and include the name of their present-day city/town/village/district.