User:Tony24644/First government of Ramón Castilla

The first constitutional government of Ramón Castilla in Peru began on April 20, 1845 and ended on April 20, 1851. With this government the stage of Peruvian republican history that the historian Jorge Basadre has called "the republican apogee", which would extend until the mid-1860s. It was also the first republican government of Peru that completed its period established constitutional.

During the six years that would be his first government, Castilla organized the country and carried out many works in all fields, with the support of the income produced by the Guanera wealth, whose income from of 1849 represented a predominant item in the fiscal coffers.

On the economic level, the financial order began with the implementation of the budgetary regime, as well as the payment of internal and external debts. The payment of the internal debt, known as Consolidation, would lead to the next government's first case of mega corruption in Peruvian history. The payment of the external debt, contracted since the beginning of the Republic mainly with England, the former Gran Colombia and Chile, was concluded in the following government and helped to cement international confidence in the country.

On the internal political level, Castile promoted national reconciliation after a long period of wars and revolutions, and strove to create a unity government, calling on its political rivals to collaborate with its government. Among them were the writer Felipe Pardo y Aliaga and the general José Rufino Echenique. There were no major rebellions or coup attempts, with the exception of the one carried out by General José Félix Iguaín. At the end of his government, he did not try to extend his power and called the Peruvian presidential election of 1851, which was the first true electoral process of the Republic, after almost 30 years after it began.

At the international level, the diplomatic and consular corps of the Republic was organized, it condemned all interventionism of the European powers in America and the first American Congress of diplomatic representatives of the continent met in Lima, thus resuming the Pan-Americanism advocated by Bolívar. He denounced the United Kingdom of Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia organized from Europe by Juan José Flores to establish a monarchy in South America headed by a Bourbon prince, a complaint that contributed to its dismantling. With Bolivia, then governed by José Ballivián, a personal enemy of Castile, there were economic disputes and a threat of war in 1847, but finally a commercial treaty was signed that momentarily calmed things down.

In defense, the Army was modernized: percussion rifles were acquired (replacing the old flintlock rifles), larger caliber cannons and new naval units, and the Bellavista Naval Factory was founded. As an example of the naval power achieved, in 1848 the government sent the brig Bergantín Gamarra, to the coast of San Francisco, California, to protect the Peruvian immigrants attracted by the California Gold Rush. It also began with the development of the Amazon, a territory that had been very neglected since colonial times.

At the educational level, the first Regulation of Public Instruction in the republican history of Peru was issued, schools were founded and existing ones were improved, and a boom in higher education began, represented by the Convictorio de San Carlos, the College of Our Lady of Guadalupe, the National University of San Marcos. and the Seminario de Lima.

Peru then entered a period of peace and internal progress, as well as power and international prestige, which was reflected in its material and intellectual development. It was in this period that the railway from Lima to Callao was built, which was the first railway in Peru and in South America; the first power loom and the first paper mill were adopted; gas lighting was implemented; The construction of the Lima Central Market began, replacing the antiquated and unhealthy markets of the colonial era; and by private initiative, factories were founded to supply the national market with fabrics and other minor industries, such as candles, glass and matches. Numerous public works were also carried out in the interior of the country and in the main ports.

On the intellectual level, the ideological debates between the liberal Colegio Guadalupe and the conservative Convictorio de San Carlos, which moved to Congress, stood out. highlighting many speakers who thus enriched the political debate. The debates on the indigenous vote and the election of bishops stood out.

The constitutionalist revolution of 1843-1844
Peruvian Civil War of 1843–1844 Before the arrival of Ramón Castilla to power, Peru was struggling in a military anarchy, unleashed after the death of president Agustín Gamarra in the battle of Ingavi, on November 18, 1841, in the middle of war against Bolivia. Gamarra's successor was Manuel Menéndez, as president of the Council of State (a position equivalent to vice president), but he was overthrown in 1842, followed by a series of ephemeral military governments. In 1843, General Manuel Ignacio de Vivanco, who established the de facto government of the Directory, of a conservative nature, prevailed. But this did not put an end to the faction wars. The so-called "constitutional side" proposed to restore the rule of the Constitution of 1839, and replace the legitimate authority, that is, Manuel Menéndez. This constitutional side was led by generals Domingo Nieto and Manuel de Mendiburu, who were later joined by general Ramón Castilla.

The "constitutionalist revolution" began in Tacna on May 17, 1843. The first victories of the constitutionalists were obtained in Pachía, near Tacna, on August 29, 1843 and in San Antonio, near Moquegua, on October 28. A Supreme Provisional Government Board of the Republic in Cuzco, chaired by Domingo Nieto and made up of General Ramón Castilla, Colonel Pedro Cisneros, Dr. José M Colonel Zegarra and Colonel of the National Guard Nicolás Jacinto Chocano. After the sudden death of Nieto on February 17, 1844, General Castilla became president of the Junta, and General José Félix Iguaín joined as a new member. Later, the Board would be reduced to Castilla, Iguaín and General Miguel de San Román.

Vivanco personally marched against the revolutionaries, leaving the prefect Domingo Elías in Lima. Advancing from Ica, he headed to the front of his forces on Ayacucho. Castilla, from Cuzco, came out to meet him but Vivanco made a series of movements avoiding his rival, until reaching Arequipa where he decided to defend himself, encouraged by the support of the Arequipa people. Castilla pursued him there and the final battle became imminent.

Meanwhile, in Lima, Prefect Elías rose up against the Vivanco government and assumed supreme command, considering that the people had grown tired of civil wars and were longing for peace. Elías announced that he would remain in power until the installation of a Congress that would restore legality, and he sent commissioners to Castilla and Vivanco to invite them to lay down their arms. But he received no response, and rather, from Huancayo, the Vivanquista forces commanded by José Rufino Echenique advanced on Lima. Elías then organized the defense of the capital. But Echenique's expected attack did not occur because Felipe Pardo y Aliaga warned him that Vivanco and Castilla were preparing for a definitive encounter near Arequipa, so Echenique, understanding that it was useless to continue the fight when the war ended was going to define in another field, he suspended his advance. The entire period in which the capital was alarmed by an imminent attack is known as Magna Week.

Indeed, as Pardo and Aliaga warned, the final battle took place near Arequipa. The constitutionalists of Castile faced the directorial forces of Vivanco in the battle of Carmen Alto, on July 22, 1844. Vivanco was completely defeated.

Government of Manuel Menéndez
After a short interim term by Justo Figuerola, on October 7, 1844, Manuel Menéndez was restored to command. For its part, Castilla declared the Supreme Junta that he had presided over during the revolution in recess, handed over his troops and stepped away from command. According to historian Jorge Basadre, Menéndez carried out an exemplary administration. He strove to achieve reconciliation between the parties and to recover the dire state of the national treasury. But its main mission was to carry out the constitutional transfer of power through general elections.

Election of 1845
In those years, elections were indirect, through electoral colleges. Figuerola had already given a decree for the electoral colleges to hold new elections for the president of the Republic, senators, deputies and other authorities. The Congress was to be installed on December 9, 1844, but since not all the electoral colleges met, Menéndez gave a decree on December 14 so that the authorities would expedite the meeting of those colleges to elect the representatives before The congress; This, which would have the status of Extraordinary, would meet to count the presidential election and proclaim the new president of the republic. Unquestionably, the presidential candidate who had popular favor was General Ramón Castilla, a veteran of the war of independence and winner in Pachía, San Antonio and Carmen Alto of the recent civil war. Domingo Elías also presented his candidacy, representing civilians, hoping to have the support of the north. But the military then had much more power and charisma in the population, while the civilian politicians, the "men in frock coats and tails", were still a minority. So the triumph of Castile was categorical.

The Congress was installed on April 16, 1845, under the presidency of Manuel Cuadros Loayza. President Menéndez gave a long speech before the national representation where he explained the situation in the country and summarized the anarchy that the country had recently experienced, pointing out the defects of the State and proposing appropriate remedies. Congress, after reviewing the records of the electoral colleges, on the 19th proclaimed Castilla as the winner.

Takeover
Castilla was sworn in as constitutional president on April 20, 1845, before the Congress of the Republic, for a term of six years, in accordance with the Constitution of 1839.

In his speech before Congress, Castilla said that for the sake of unity, it was necessary to draw a veil over the past. Going against republican custom, he stated that it was not necessary to reward the services of the army that he had formed to restore constitutional order. He also promised to ensure the integrity of the national territory. In the following days, fifteen members of the Council of State were elected, with General Miguel de San Román being appointed as its president; and as its first and second vice president, José Rufino Echenique and Manuel Bartolomé Ferreyros, respectively. After the extraordinary Congress closed on June 2, the ordinary Congress was established on July 2, under the presidency of Manuel Salazar y Baquíjano, which closed its sessions on October 22, 1845.

This government of Castile, which would be the first under his command, turned out to be moderate and progressive. His opponent in the elections, Domingo Elías, led the opposition.

Government of national unity
Castilla created a strong and energetic government, supported by its status as a popular leader, but respecting the other powers of the State. He imposed order in a country recently emerged from anarchy and civil war, although without reaching arbitrariness.

He respected the freedom of the press, within the framework permitted by law, preventing its excesses. He tolerated the stubborn attacks made against him by the newspapers El Zurriago and El Comercio, especially for the suppression of municipalities and for preferring the military in the exercise of public office.

It was also this period in which the parliamentary function was reestablished, after the intermittencies that had occurred in the previous two decades. In total, during the government of Castile, Congress met eight times, both ordinary and extraordinary. There was no parliamentarian who was banished or imprisoned, nor had their freedoms repressed.

Castilla proposed to create a government of national unity, for which it carried out a policy of harmony. He did not dedicate himself to persecuting or punishing the supporters of the previous regime (the Directory), as was until then the custom of those who won a civil war. He even went further back in time and repealed the expatriation decrees issued against the defeated of the Peru-Bolivian Confederation in 1839, and even more, restored their rights in 1847. In this regard, it is believed that he followed the advice that the dean Juan Gualberto Valdivia gave him after his triumph at Carmen Alto, in the sense that he should be magnanimous towards the defeated.

Another example of Castile's policy of harmony was to summon more competent men to administration positions, regardless of whether they were their political rivals. Thus, vivanquistas such as Felipe Pardo y Aliaga, José Gregorio Paz Soldán and José Rufino Echenique joined. In doing so, he demonstrated a lot of political wisdom, contrary to the style of the politicians of that time and even those of today.

Ministers of State
By decree of May 19, 1845, and according to the Constitution, Castile established the number of ministries in four: Foreign Affairs; Government; War and Navy; and Treasury and Commerce. The appointed ministers were the following:
 * Doctor José Gregorio Paz Soldán (Foreign Relations).
 * Doctor Miguel del Carpio y Melgar (Government).
 * Colonel Manuel de Mendiburu (War and Navy).
 * Citizen Felipe Barreda (Treasury and Commerce).

By another decree of May 24, 1845, the branch of Justice and Ecclesiastical Business became attached to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the branches of Instruction and Charity passed to the Ministry of Government. It should be noted that at that time the figure of the Council of Ministers, nor its president or premier, did not exist.

Subsequently, in the portfolio of Foreign Relations and Ecclesiastical Business there were: Matías León, Mariano José Sanz, Felipe Pardo y Aliaga, Juan Crisóstomo Torrico, again Mariano José Sanz, and Manuel Bartolomé Ferreyros.

In the Ministry of Government, Public Instruction and Charity: José Gregorio Paz Soldán, Juan Manuel del Mar

In the Ministry of Finance and Commerce: Manuel de Mendiburu, Manuel del Río, José Fabio Melgar.

In the Ministry of War and Navy: Joseph Rufino Echenique, Michael de San Roman, Joseph Maria Raygada.

The incidents with England
Before the beginning of the government of Castile, in the middle of the civil war between Castilistas and Vivanquistas, incidents occurred with the English. In 1844, Castilian forces stopped the English steamer Perú in the port of Islay. This was considered an affront by the head of the British squadron, who proceeded to arrest and seize the Peruvian squadron that, already committed to the revolution, was anchored in Islay (August 14, 1844).

Another incident occurred on September 1, when the English ship Cormoran arrived at the port of Arica to do its watering. Not receiving the help they needed, the English sailors, after embarking the English consul, opened fire on the port. Arica was then under the jurisdiction of Moquegua, whose prefect was General José Félix Iguaín, who at that time was one of the leaders of the revolution.

As a result of these incidents and under pressure from the British government, a protocol was signed on May 30, 1845 (a few days after the government of Castile began) between the Peruvian chancellor José Gregorio Paz Soldán and the chargé d'affaires. English William Pitt Adams, who resolved the dismissal of those involved in the alleged offenses inflicted on English subjects, including General Iguaín (prefect and commander of Moquegua) and Colonel José de Arancibia (governor of Arica).

This protocol was a humiliation for Peru, when the first government of Castile was just beginning, which was later characterized by its determined Americanism opposed to the interventionism of the European powers, undoubtedly chastened by this unfortunate episode with the English.

Uprising of José Félix Iguaín
There were no major rebellions or disturbances of order during the rule of Castile. Only the revolutionary attempt by General José Félix Iguaín, which was quickly put down, deserves mention.

From being an ally and friend of Castile in the revolution of 1843, General Iguaín became its opponent. He had been extremely upset by the policy followed by Castile regarding the incident with England. On February 6, 1846, he staged a revolutionary attempt in Tacna, which according to many indications had the support of President José Ballivián of Bolivia. Arrested, he was transferred to Lima. He was accused of plotting with Bolivia a secession of the departments of Moquegua, Tacna and Tarapacá, to form with them an independent state that would later be federated with the highland country. In 1847 he was sentenced in the first and second instance "to six years of exile in a country other than one of the neighboring countries," but thanks to the intercession of important friends, the Supreme Court suspended the sentence. Then, Congress, in view of the delay in the judicial process, allowed his departure from the country (August 1847).

Refugee once again in Chile, Iguaín did not stop planning crazy subversive attempts. In 1848 he appeared in Tarapacá, again with the support of Ballivián, who at that time lived in Chile, after having been overthrown by Manuel Isidoro Belzu. Their objective was Tacna, which at that time was convulsed by a revolt. But after a chase of a few days, he was arrested on July 29, 1848 and transferred to Lima. Submitted to trial in the military jurisdiction, he was imprisoned on a pontoon anchored in the bay of Callao, where he remained until the passing of an amnesty law in 1849. Already at the end of the government of Castile, he would have an incident with the official candidate José Rufino Echenique, for which he would go to prison again.

Legislatures between 1845 and 1848. The Council of State
The Congress of 1845, which legislated between April and October 1845, first as extraordinary and then as ordinary, did not suffer from partisan divisions and acted with prudence and effectiveness. Another body with The one that the Executive had to coexist with was the Council of State, a moderating and consulting power, guardian of the constitutional norm. Its members and holders were elected by Congress. Depending on the situation, this Council served as an ally of the Executive or became a center of intrigue against it.

We already mentioned the election of the members of the Council of State and the appointments of Miguel de San Román and José Rufino Echenique as president and first vice president of the same, positions that corresponded to that of first and second vice president of the Republic (the vice presidencies were not contemplated in the Constitution of 1839). All the State Councilors were friends and supporters of Castilla, except Domingo Elías, who was the head of the opposition.

The great political event of mid-1847 was the discussion in the commission of the Council of State of the expenses of the biennium 1846-1847 and the approval of the budget of 1848-1848. The commission, made up of Domingo Elías, Francisco Quirós and Manuel de Mendiburu showed their disagreement with the accounts presented by the government, and the matter went to Congress where the Executive managed to win it.

The ordinary Congress of 1847, which continued to be chaired by Manuel Salazar y Baquíjano, functioned from August of that year until January 1848. In the elections for members of the Council of State in 1847, the candidates presented by the government who were headed by San Román lost. The list headed by José Rufino Echenique won, which was supported by Domingo Elías. San Román, as compensation, began to exercise the Ministry of War, although shortly after he had to resign accused of infidelity.

The Congress of 1847 devoted itself too much to particular issues, granted many promotions, and was slow to pass the budget law. This led to an extension of the sessions and the calling of an extraordinary legislature that was installed in January 1848. There was a conflict between the Executive and the Council of State regarding the matters that should be discussed in that extraordinary session. In September 1848, Domingo Elías made another proposal to convene an Extraordinary Congress, but it did not prosper.

Conspiracy of February 1849. The amnesty
On February 21, 1849, the government announced that it had uncovered a vast conspiracy scheme. According to the published report, the conspirators had planned to assassinate the president during one of his usual walks through the Alameda de los Descalzos in which he was usually accompanied by a single assistant. But fortuitously, Castilla moved to Callao, and that was where he learned of the plot. It is said that he himself, alone and with sword in hand, went to the Santa Catalina barracks where the committed leaders were, and with his presence he intimidated them, thus stopping the mutiny. Among the highest officials involved was Marshal Miguel de San Román, a member of the Council of State, who was arrested in the Plaza de Armas when he was leaving a meeting of said body. He was embarked on the brig Tumbes and deported to the Brazil, along with General Agustín Lerzundi and other army officers involved in the plot. But being already off the coast of Chile, the captain of the ship Ignacio Mariátegui refused to continue the trip and disembarked the prisoners in Talcahuano, claiming that they were innocent Another prominent exile was General Juan Crisóstomo Torrico, one of the de facto presidents of the Anarchy, who had long been estranged from Castile. The true responsibility of those soldiers remained in doubt, in whose arrest and exile several violations of the laws were committed; Those affected always claimed their innocence. In June 1849 the Congress met, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Felipe Pardo y Aliaga appeared before it to present a report with the documents proving the conspiracy of Torrico and San Román, which, according to his report, had had an international scope, since it involved the Bolivian José Ballivián and the Ecuadorian Juan José Flores. On the other hand, he justified the measures taken, aimed at safeguarding internal order. At that time, Pardo was already suffering from leg illness and made his presentation from his invalid's chair.

The majority of Congress approved a vote of amnesty and indemnity for those involved in the conspiracy of 1849, and it was enacted into law on August 25, 1849.

The attack against Domingo Elías
Domingo Elías was the head of the opposition since the beginning of the government of Castilla. According to Echenique's testimony, he was constantly plotting, even though he sometimes pretended to act in support of Castile, as in the case of the Iguaín rebellion. On April 12, 1849, while walking along Afligidos Street, Elías was the victim of an attack. At least, according to what he told it. He said that an individual shot him by throwing his hat at him and then approached him to stab him, only managing to tear his clothes, and that his reaction to the attack was to throw himself to the ground and respond by shooting the individual, who managed to escape. The police investigated the matter but when they found no traces of the bullets supposedly fired, nor signs of the shooter, there was a suspicion that it was a simulated attack. This matter sparked a journalistic controversy and was never clarified.

Legislatures between 1849 and 1850
The Ordinary Legislature of Congress of 1849 ran from July to December of that year and as Extraordinary from the end of December 1849 to March 1850. It elected new members of the State Council, whose presidency fell again to Echenique. He was in charge of the consolidation and amortization of the internal debt, the debt with England, the reform of the election law, among other issues. It was in this Congress that the famous debate took place between Bartolomé Herrera and Pedro Gálvez about the indigenous vote, among other issues related to the reform of the Constitution (see in the section: Ideological aspect).

The first fall of a minister by parliamentary vote
At that time, the mechanisms of political sanction, such as interpellation and censorship, were not yet constitutionally regulated. During the Ordinary Congress of 1847, the deputy for Ica Pedro de la Quintana (relative of Domingo Elías) presented a motion to remove the minister José Gregorio Paz Soldán from his position (August 23, 1847). It was rejected as unconstitutional; However, it was the first precedent for an attempted parliamentary censorship. The Minister of Finance Manuel del Río, who was in conflict with Congress, had another fate. When the parliamentary Finance Commission authorized the Executive to open a loan to cover the debts it had with employees and pensioners, deputy De la Quintana made an addition to the project, making it a condition that the Executive appoint a Minister of Finance who would enjoy confidence. De la Quintana also proposed that Congress have the power to force a minister to resign, even against the will of the President of the Republic. This proposal was approved in the Chamber of Deputies, but rejected in the Senate. Seeing that it was an obstacle to a good relationship between the Executive and Legislative, Del Río presented his resignation (August 1849). Castilla, wishing to maintain a cordial relationship with Congress, sent a letter to the Chamber of Deputies, where it implicitly recognized the power of the Legislature to question ministers. Later laws would be responsible for regulating the vote of no confidence in ministers.

Police service
To guarantee internal security, Castilla improved the police service, which amounted to 900 troops, both on foot and on horseback, who reported to the General Inspection of the Army. Together with the Army (which Castilla reduced to 3,000 troops), the police were responsible for preserving public tranquility in times of peace. Police regulations were also issued for each department and province, adapting them to their respective geographical and social reality.

Situation of the Peruvian economy
When Castilla assumed power, Peru's economic situation was critical. Although the crisis had been going on since the final years of the viceregal era, and the war of independence had worsened it, during the initial years of the Republic, other situations arose that further complicated the situation.

Firstly, there was a considerable drop in tax collection. One of the promises of the founders of the Republic had been to eliminate the brutal tax burden that the Spanish Crown had imposed on the people, mostly indigenous; For this reason, the indigenous tribute was abolished, and although it was restored shortly after under the name of indigenous contribution, its amount was reduced by between 10 and 20%. This contribution represented half of the treasury's income and hence its importance for the national economy; It would not be definitively abolished until 1855. But what was suppressed at this time was the caste contribution, which meant a decrease of $500,000 pesos$ in the national budget. Another promise in favor of the indigenous had been the total abolition of the mita or forced labor in the mines and factories, which was fulfilled and meant a great relief for that population, specifically in southern Peru, which began to grow demographically, then that throughout the colonial period it had been in continuous decline, precisely due to the abuse and deplorable mistreatment that this compulsory work implied. But this humanitarian policy of the republican government simultaneously caused mining exploitation to decline, because labor became more expensive and the business was no longer very profitable for businessmen, as if it had been under the colony, in which The cheap or enslaved hand of the indigenous people was used. There were, however, other factors that contributed to this mining decline. Artisanal methods inherited from the colony were still used, capital was scarce, and there was little production of quicksilver or mercury in Huancavelica, a metal necessary for the treatment of silver. The outlook was not very encouraging for the mining of precious metals, which was then limited to the Cerro de Pasco mines. The discovery of the rich gold deposits of Carabaya, therefore produced enthusiasm and foresaw a renaissance of gold exploitation. But in general terms, mining activity was neglected until the end of the 19th century, when its momentum was resumed.

Such was the critical fiscal situation that when Castile came to power, the income from the currency and customs branches was already mortgaged. But for the political mentality of the time, the solution was not to reduce public sector salaries and create new taxes, because such measures would have slowed down the economic development of the country, apart from the fact that they would have been very unpopular. Resources had to be sought in other ways.

Another problem for the economy was the detrimental influence of the Bolivian feble currency that had invaded southern Peru during the period of the Confederation (1836-1839), which seriously affected commercial operations, cause a drop in the price of goods, real estate, salaries and a decrease in tax revenue.

Another very complicated issue for the State was the internal and external debt, whose annual interests were rising. These debts came from loans made during the War of Independence and the initial years of the Republic. The internal creditors were the individuals who had contributed to the independence cause with money and species; The external ones were the countries of the old Gran Colombia and Chile, which demanded payments for the sending of their liberating and restoring armies, as well as England for two loans made in 1822 and 1825, in addition to the United States and France, although these in much larger amounts. minors. Finally, another event that had negative repercussions on the Peruvian economy, already from the international level, was the gold rush that occurred in California and Australia. Many Peruvians emigrated to these areas, in search of a better future, which led the country to suffer from a lack of labor for the fields and industries. At the same time, this gold rush caused a great demand for raw materials from those regions, which caused shortages in Peru, and therefore increased prices.

To face the serious economic problems, Castilla addressed three fundamental points:
 * The reorganization of public finances by establishing a budget policy.
 * The exploitation of guano wealth through the consignment system.
 * Payment of internal and external debts.

Establishment of the National Budget
When the Republic was founded, it was established, by constitutional rule, that the Executive had to present to the Legislature a projection of public income and expenditures, that is, the budget, which had to be discussed and approved by the parliamentarians. The first five constitutions established it this way, but until the moment of assuming Castile this had not been fulfilled due to the political instability experienced in the first two decades of the Republic. For this reason, the fundamental reform of Castile focused on the organization of the country's budgetary policy.

On October 21, 1845 and through its Minister of Finance Manuel del Río, the government of Castile presented to Congress the first budget of Peru for the biennium 1846-1847. Although Congress did not approve it, as it was closed the next day, the Executive put it into practice despite its defects. However, it is considered the first budget of the Peruvian Republic. It was 5 961  639 pesos as expenses and 4  191  800 as annual income.

For the following biennium (1848-1849), the Executive prepared another budget project, which, submitted to Congress and, duly discussed, was the first budget with legislative approval that Peru had (March 27, 1848). This budget established the amount of 5 322  423 as annual income and 5  315  310 as annual expenses. The income included customs, the contribution of the indigenous people, patents, stamped paper, taxes, etc.; Among the expenses were the payment of ministries and administration expenses. More than half of the income came from customs and the contribution of indigenous people, and most of the expenses were for the Ministry of War and the Treasury.

The exploitation of guano by the consignment system
Castilla assumed power at a time when Peru found itself in possession of unexpected wealth: the large deposits of guano on its islands and coastlines. Guano is the excrement of millions of seabirds, which accumulates over centuries and is a powerful fertilizer for croplands. This property was already known since pre-Hispanic times, and was rediscovered in 1827 by the Arequipeño scholar Mariano Eduardo de Rivero who published an interesting scientific report on the matter. Around 1840, this fertilizing power was demonstrated in European scientific circles and from then on, large quantities of guano began to be sold to Europe, whose worn-out crop fields urgently needed them. Initially, the system for exploiting guano was by lease: the State handed over the deposits to private entrepreneurs to exploit it in exchange for an annual payment. The first of these businessmen was Francisco Quirós y Ampudia, who received the deposits to exploit for a period of six years and against the payment of $10,000 pesos$ per year (1840). But as the guano reached high prices in the international market, the State found that the payment it received was very paltry compared to the enormous profits that the tenants received, so it had to rescind those contracts to replace them with a more convenient system of exploitation.

The new system implemented was that of consignations, which began under the government of Menéndez (1842). This system consisted of the State maintaining fiscal ownership of the guano but entrusting businessmen (the consignees) with the entire process of extraction, transportation and sale. The consignee was in charge of getting a good price for the guano in the international market, and after achieving the sale, the expenses he had assumed in the entire extraction and transportation process were deducted, and he received an equivalent commission of 12%. The difference was in favor of the State, which was equivalent to almost two thirds or 60% of the liquid profit. In this way, the State obtained million-dollar sums. Peruvian guano, due to its unsurpassed quality, was prevailing in world trade, relegating guanos from other countries. In 1847 its value per ton reached £10. The Peruvian government signed important consignment contracts, highlighting those signed with the Gibbs House, which for many years exercised a monopoly in the business. It was precisely in 1847, already in full government of Castile, when the true economic boom of guano began, with the State receiving large sums, which were used mainly for national defense and the payment of external and internal debts. It was a time of prosperity for Peru, known as the Guano Era, although from the beginning some vices and defects were pointed out in the guano sales system. The State, which was always in need of money, used to ask the consignees for advances on the money to be collected, and they gave it to them with interest of 4 to 6%, thus profiting at the expense of the State.

Payment of external and internal debts
Castilla directly faced the problem of paying the large internal and external debt that the State had. At first, the funds raised were used to face two international threats that did not materialize, the Floreana Expedition and the war against Bolivia, but later it was necessary to use the huge guano profits.

Payment of internal debt
The internal debt was the debt that the State had since 1823 with individuals who had provided aid to the army, either in kind or in money, during the first years of the Republic, both in the war of independence and in the civil wars. Added to all this were the salaries of state servants who to date remained unpaid. To solve this problem, four laws were issued between 1847 and 1850, establishing the bases for the recognition of said debts, but in an empirical way. This is known as “domestic debt consolidation.” At the end of the Castile government, 4 320  400 pesos had been paid out of a total of 6 or 7 million pesos recognized as internal debt.

This consolidation payment would cause a tremendous corruption scandal in the following government of José Rufino Echenique, when unscrupulous people falsified documents to attribute fictitious debts.

Payment of the external debt
Peru's external debt was with several countries: with England (for the loans of 1822 and 1825 and their unpaid interests, which had increased it excessively); with the now non-existent Gran Colombia (contracted during the war of independence); with Chile, (for the expenses that this country made when sending the Liberating Army of San Martín and the Restoration Armies of 1838-39); with Spain (as stipulated in the Capitulation of Ayacucho). It also had smaller outstanding amounts with France and United States.

The government of Castile proposed to pay the debt to all countries, with the exception of Spain, which it imposed as a prior condition that it recognize the independence of Peru. There were, however, dissenting voices within Peru, those who opposed making such payments to Colombia and Chile for the help that these countries provided to Peruvian independence, since this campaign was a joint enterprise, in which each nation contributed its part to the achievement of a common goal, and Peru should no longer give more than it had given, since its contribution in human and material resources had been as important as that of the rest of the countries. However, in the government of Castile the idea of ​​canceling the debts prevailed, since the signed contracts had to be honored, since it was a way to cement international confidence in the country. England, taking advantage of the Peruvian guano boom, demanded that Peru pay its debt, which amounted to 3 736  400 pounds sterling (1  816  000 was the debt itself, and 1  920  400 its interest). By law of March 10, 1848, the Peruvian Congress ordered the Executive to settle this matter once and for all. The person in charge of this arrangement was the minister Joaquín José de Osma, who celebrated on January 31, 1849 a contract with the bondholders of the loans of 1823 and 1825. Coincidentally, that same day the Peruvian government signed a new consignment contract with Gibbs House (English firm) for the extraction and import of guano to the United Kingdom. Both contracts naturally caused criticism for their dark background, and according to José Arnaldo Márquez through a famous pamphlet published in 1888, they were the true beginning of "the financial orgy in Peru", in which the enormous profits of the guano only benefited a minority group of speculators.

A convention was signed with Chile on September 12, 1848, in which the amount of 4 million pesos was agreed upon as the entire and only debt, which was paid until 1856, with the corresponding interest.

An agreement was signed with the United States on March 27, 1849, recognizing a debt of 300 thousand pesos for damages caused to their properties. This debt was definitively canceled in 1853.

Regarding the debt with the former Gran Colombia, whose creditor heirs were the republics of Venezuela, New Granada and Ecuador, an agreement was not reached during this first government of Castile, and it was up to the next government of Echenique to resolve the matter.

It is considered that this massive payment of the foreign debt was a good measure, since it cemented international confidence in the country.

Other measures to avert the crisis

 * The export of quina was declared free.
 * The amount of duties paid on tobacco produced in the north of the country was reduced, specifically in Jaén de Bracamoros.
 * To alleviate the shortage of food in areas such as the department of Ica and the province of Moquegua, the import of these products was allowed, duty-free, through the ports of Pisco and Arica, although for a short time (1846).
 * The duties paid by national ships for introducing foreign merchandise into the country through the port of Iquique, in the province of Tarapacá, where the nitrate mines were already exploited, were reduced by half. Among these merchandise were construction materials and groceries.
 * Between 1845 and 1846, special measures were taken to favor the customs of Arica, in relation to foreign merchandise that was transiting through said port. This area continued to be the main gateway for smuggling into the country.
 * The port of Tumbes, in the extreme north of Peru, was opened to maritime trade.
 * To stimulate the development of the country's small industry, as well as for other political reasons, by decree of November 9, 1846, the amount of entry fees for Bolivian products was drastically increased. This issue is discussed more fully in the International Aspect section.

Government optimism
By the end of the Castile government, the country had achieved an acceptable economic recovery due to internal tranquility, the guano mortgage that produced the considerable rise in Anglo-Peruvian debt bonds, and the credit that the country enjoyed abroad. The Consolidation Law also contributed to this, which at first was seen as a successful measure to reactivate the country's internal development, apart from the intrinsic justice that paying those debts meant.

With excessive optimism, Castilla referred in his last presidential message to the advantages of the Consolidation Law. ""The Consolidation Law is a fertilizing principle that has provided the country with incalculable benefits: it is a law of consolation and solid hopes for a multitude of families; a lifeline in the suffrage of so many fortunes; a new element of well-being and order.""

The disastrous consequences of that law, which unleashed the first mega corruption scandal in Peru, would be faced by the next government, that of José Rufino Echenique.

National defense
Castilla put a lot of dedication into national defense, given the difficult geopolitical situation of Peru, which then bordered four countries (now there are five), always aggressive and eager to take territories from them. The extensive Peruvian coastline was also a vulnerable flank, where the most important foreign invasions in Peruvian history had occurred, as happened in the war of independence and the restoration war of 1838-39. That is why Castilla focused on the two fields of defense: naval and land.

Naval policy. Increase of the navy
Castilla was a statesman aware of the importance of developing a naval policy to give Peru superiority in the Pacific. Popular tradition states that its naval policy was summed up in this phrase: "If Chile builds one ship, Peru must build two," although there is no documentary record that confirms this. The truth is that his government was the first to be efficiently concerned with this weapon of national defense, since the founding of the Peruvian navy in 1822. Although at the time his obsession with the navy was ridiculed (the burlesque Manuel Atanasio Fuentes nicknamed him the "Nelson of the Pacific"), time would prove him right.

Following this policy, Castilla provided Peru with an efficient fleet, acquiring the frigate Mercedes, the brigs Guise and Gamarra, the schooners Peruana and Héctor, and the transport Alaiza. He also acquired the first steam warship to reach South America, the schooner mixed Rímac, of 1300 tons, built in the shipyards of New York, and which arrived in Callao on July 27, 1847. Likewise, he contracted the construction of another steam ship, the frigate Amazonas, which would arrive during the government of his successor José Rufino Echenique. Peru thus became the first naval power in South America.

With respect to the merchant marine a Promotion and Protection Law was promulgated (January 18, 1848), among other decrees and laws to favor it, both in the maritime and river fields. The Paita naval station was also built.

The voyage of the brig Gamarra to California
A demonstration of the naval power that Peru had at that time occurred when some Peruvian businessmen who sent merchant ships to California (which was then experiencing the gold rush), asked the government of Castile for protection. The president responded to the request at the end of 1848 and sent the brig Gamarra, which remained ten months in the bay of San Francisco. The mission entrusted to its captain José María Silva Rodríguez was to protect every Peruvian merchant ship that arrived at that coast (which had recently been annexed by the United States, snatching it from Mexico), assist them with sailors if necessary and ensure their maintenance, as well as how to collect any report that was considered useful. He completed all that work with discipline and efficiency.

The Army, artillery and weapons
By decrees given in 1845 and 1847, Castilla reorganized the Army. Its number, in peacetime, should be 3,000 troops, with an artillery brigade, six infantry battalions and three cavalry regiments.

Although Castilla reduced the number of troops in the army, it also put a lot of effort into giving it the necessary technical capacity and providing it with modern weapons. In June 1850 he commissioned the reorganization of the artillery arm to General Manuel de Mendiburu. A complete change was made in the system and equipment of the field artillery. The old four-pounder guns were replaced with modern, larger caliber howitzers. A gunsmith's workshop and a foundry office were implemented, and the gunpowder factory was improved.

For the infantry corps, the percussion rifles were adopted, which replaced the old flintlock rifles.

The Central Navy School and the Military School
By decree of October 25, 1849, the Central Navy School was reopened, for the training of commanders and officers of the navy, as well as for those who had a vocation as pilots. Its headquarters were established in Bellavista. By another decree of January 7, 1850, the Military College was established, in which it was recast the Central Navy School. An Army Corps of Engineers was also created.

Within the legislative level, the War and Navy regulations were issued, as well as the Indefinite Law, by which military personnel without placement in the army and navy were placed on indefinite leave. By another law, the military montepío was regulated in 42 articles, that is, the pension that corresponded to widows, orphans and other relatives of soldiers who died while in service, as well as to commanders and officers who became invalid or disabled in combat.{ {sfn|Basadre|2005c|pp=122-123}}

Foundation of the Bellavista Naval Factory
It was the Minister of War and Navy Manuel de Mendiburu, the first to suggest the need for the country to have a bronze foundry and another iron foundry, that is, a factory for the maintenance and repair of the units of the navy, as well as the manufacture of cannons and the repair of weapons parts. One of Mendiburu's successors in said ministry, General José Rufino Echenique, convinced President Castilla to send engineer Jorge Rumwill to United States in order to contract the construction of the machinery and the purchase of the necessary materials for said establishment. By the end of 1849 it was already operating under the direction of Rumwill in the town of Bellavista, near Callao.

The factory had seven sections:
 * Drawing and modeling.
 * Iron and bronze casting.
 * Machinery.
 * Copper casting.
 * Plumbing.
 * Blacksmithing.
 * Boiler room

He had fifty high-quality machines and devices to carry out any work in his field. The movement of all its machinery depended on a single steam engine, vertical, high pressure, twenty horsepower. The State thus saved money on the repair and manufacture of weapons, apart from the fact that the Factory generated its own resources, since it also dedicated itself to providing services to the industry inside and outside the Republic. It also provided work for many industrious Peruvians.

The Bellavista factory became the best in South America and would be destroyed by the Chileans in 1881, during the Pacific War.

International aspect
Castile's international policy was aimed at giving Peru prominence among the countries of America and the world in general.

Foundation of Peruvian diplomacy
The Minister of Foreign Affairs José Gregorio Paz Soldán prepared a project on the organization of the diplomatic and consular corps of the Republic, thus giving rise to the historic decree of July 31, 1846, and another complementary decree on attachments to the legations. The first of them was turned into law by Congress. It was the basis of Peruvian legislation on the matter and served as a model for the rest of the American countries.

The government of Castile established legations (embassies) in United States, England, Chile, Bolivia and Ecuador, and opened consulatess in Paris and Brussels. Due to this, Castilla is considered the founder of Peruvian diplomacy.

Statement on diplomatic claims
The painful incidents faced with England at the beginning of the government of Castile motivated the issuance of the supreme decree of April 17, 1846 known as the Declaration on diplomatic claims, issued by Castile and Chancellor Paz Soldán. It determined in which cases the Peruvian government should or should not accept diplomatic claims from other countries. Until then, consuls or diplomatic representatives of foreign countries used to protest directly to the government when they considered that their compatriots had been victims of abuse or dispossession, demanding and obtaining reparations and compensation; From now on, aggrieved parties had to go directly to local judges or courts and only had to ask their consulates for help in case of denials or delays.

Peruvian reaction to the Floreana Expedition


In 1846, General Juan José Flores, one of the founders of the Republic of Ecuador, was in Spain after having been stripped of the presidency of the Republic in his country. This character, who had previously demonstrated his plan to establish constitutional monarchies in South America with the argument that the republican system had failed, dedicated himself to organizing a military expedition to South America, with the material help and approval of the queen. mother María Cristina de Borbón. Its purpose was to establish a monarchical government in Ecuador for a Spanish Bourbon prince, who would be one of the children of said queen, born in her morganatic marriage with duke of Rianzares. This expedition was called the Florean Expedition, after the name of its organizer. Flores went on to recruit some 1,500 men in Spain, including retired chiefs and officers, attracted by the offer of fame, fortune, land, jobs and military ranks. It also recruited people in Ireland (there it advertised itself as an immigration company) and acquired two steamers and a transport, which were fitted out at the London docks.

When President Castilla was informed of the preparations for the expedition, he instructed his agents abroad to formulate a vigorous protest and Peru's decision to combat any attempt at interventionism in America. The Peruvian minister in London, Juan Manuel Iturregui, was in charge of raising the protest before the governments of England and Spain, and several diplomatic representatives from the rest of the South American countries followed his example. The Peruvian Foreign Minister José Gregorio Paz Soldán sent a circular to the rest of the American countries and urged continental unity in the face of the Florean threat. Castilla put itself at the head of the continental defense and the countries of Ecuador and New Granada agreed to place themselves under the orders of the Peruvian president in case of war against foreign intervention.{ {sfn|Basadre|2005c|pp=100-101}}

Finally, the intended Flores expedition was disrupted. The ships destined for this purpose were seized in London, alleging a violation of the enlistment law; Those enrolled in Spain began to desert and a new Spanish government was responsible for dissolving their remains. All of this could be achieved thanks to the energetic attitude that Peru adopted as soon as it found out about the crazy project.

The first American Congress in Lima
On November 9, 1847, the chancellor of Peru José Gregorio Paz Soldán sent a circular to the American governments inviting them to send their plenipotentiary ministers to Lima in order to hold an American Congress. Its purpose would be, literally, to lay the foundations for future tranquility and security for the countries of the subcontinent. This was seen as necessary due to the critical international context that several Latin American countries were experiencing. Mexico was facing a war with the United States. Río de la Plata, headed by the dictator Rosas, faced an French-English intervention. To all of which was added the threat of the Florean Expedition.

Only six countries, including Peru, accepted the invitation and sent the following representatives: José Ballivián (Bolivia); José Benavente (Chile), Pablo Merino (Ecuador), Juan Francisco Martín (New Granada) and Manuel Bartolomé Ferreyros (Peru). The other invited countries (Río de la Plata, Central America, Mexico, the United States and Venezuela) abstained from sending their representatives due to geographical distance or internal crisis.

The American Congress was installed on December 11, 1847, chaired by Manuel Ferreyros, and closed its sessions on March 1, 1848. Two treaties were signed, one on Federation and the other on Commerce, and two conventions, one Consular and the other Postal. . But none of them were put into practice.

The importance of this Congress is that it became the resurrection of that other continental one that Bolívar convened in Panama in 1826, thereby maintaining the Americanist ideal so dear to the Liberator. He established the principle that any foreign attack against an American country should be considered an attack on everyone, and, therefore, everyone should join in the defense. Peru's international policy was therefore oriented towards a sincere and noble Americanist ideal.

Relations with Bolivia


Despite the peace signed between Peru and Bolivia in 1842, problems persisted between both countries, regarding geographical boundaries and other issues of a commercial and economic nature.

General José Ballivián, a personal enemy of Castilla, was then ruling in Bolivia, whom he had imprisoned after the defeat of Ingavi and made him suffer mistreatment, an insult that Castilla never forgave. Ballivián continued to intrigue against Peru, with the purpose of taking away Tacna and Arica, an area that constituted Bolivia's natural exit to the ocean. Following this policy, he interfered in the internal affairs of Peru and supported the opponents of Castile. Intrigues with generals Torrico and San Román (who were exiled by Castile) were discovered, as well as collusion with General Juan José Flores of Ecuador, another enemy of Peru.

Ballivián sent a confidential agent, Domingo del Oro, to Lima to gauge the country's mood regarding its planned incorporation of Tacna and other southern Peruvian territories into Bolivia. Del Oro advised Ballivián to postpone his project as he did not see any support from the inhabitants of that region for Bolivia. Shortly after, in May 1845, Del Oro alerted his government about an alleged secret plan by Castile to ally with the tyrant Rosas of Argentina in order to divide the territory of Bolivia. The matter, real or fictitious, did not transcend, but in 1847 there was real tension between Peru and Bolivia that was on the verge of unleashing a war; War preparations were made in southern Peru and the Council of State of Peru secretly authorized the Executive to declare war on Bolivia. But Castilla preferred to dialogue with Ballivián through correspondence.

In reality, the war was not popular in either country and the real problem between them was commercial and economic. Bolivia had increased the duties on the introduction of Peruvian articles and manufactures into its territory by up to 40%. In retaliation, Peru increased taxes on items from Bolivia and identified the transit of merchandise that this country made to supply itself from the port of Arica, applying the same provisions. Other The issue that Peru claimed from Bolivia was the invasion of the Bolivian feble or low-grade currency in the south of its territory, as well as the payment of the independence debt, for the help it had provided in the independence of the territory of Alto Peru.

Ballivián, in retaliation, even went so far as to completely prohibit trade with Peru (commercial interdiction) and the passage of Peruvian citizens to his country. The war between Peru and Bolivia seemed imminent in 1847, as we already saw. But finally sanity prevailed. The representatives of both countries, Domingo Elías, for Peru, and Manuel María de Aguirre for Bolivia, signed the Treaty of Arequipa on November 3, 1847, by which Bolivia was given freedom to trade through the port of Arica. The products that Bolivia sent into its territory from Arica would not pay transit fees, but only port fees. Bolivia, for its part, undertook not to put its feble currency into circulation in southern Peru. Regarding the independence debt, it was agreed to submit it to arbitration in New Granada or Venezuela.

When exchanged and put under observation, this treaty was amended and another was drafted in Sucre, in October 1848. The final exchange was celebrated in Arequipa in 1849. In this way, relations with Bolivia were normalized.

Ballivián, however, continued to stealthily interfere in the domestic affairs of Peru, and gave his support to General Iguaín, the same one who had rebelled against Castile in southern Peru, as we saw previously. After the overthrow of Ballivián by General Manuel Isidoro Belzú in December 1847, the situation changed. Belzú was more cordial with Peru and Peruvian-Bolivian relations were completely normalized.

Repatriation of the remains of Presidents La Mar and Gamarra
A law of 1834 had ordered the repatriation of the remains of Marshal José de La Mar, which had been in Costa Rica since 1830. At that time this was not carried out, but in 1843 the remains were sent to Peru at the request of Mrs. Francisca Otoya, who resided in Piura. The Ecuadorian government also claimed the remains, arguing that they should be in their homeland, Ecuador, because La Mar was a native of Cuenca. In Peru, an advertising campaign was then started to demonstrate that La Mar had always considered himself Peruvian and various letters and writings were published as proof of this. Finally, Mrs. Otoya decided to hand over the remains to the Peruvian government in 1846. Castilla organized solemn funeral ceremonies and deposited the coffin in the General Cemetery of Lima, where a mausoleum was made.

As for the remains of the Peruvian president Agustín Gamarra, defeated and killed in Ingavi of 1841, they were still in Bolivia at the time of Castilla assuming power in 1845. Gamarra's body It had been vilely desecrated by the victors and placed under the column that Ballivián ordered to be erected in front of the battlefield in commemoration of the Bolivian victory. After the fall of Ballivián in 1847, the population of the area destroyed said monument, considering that the hatred of Peru had brought many evils to their commercial interests. Gamarra's remains were taken to the Cathedral of La Paz, where the respective honors were paid to him. They were then returned to Peru where Castilla received them with great solemnity. On November 25, 1848, the funeral services were held in the Lima Cathedral and finally the body was buried in a mausoleum in the General Cemetery of Lima. As anecdotal information, it is said that the hearse built to transport the remains of La Mar was also used for those of Gamarra, his rival.

The pension to the Liberator San Martín
Also worth mentioning is the attitude taken by Castilla when recognizing and paying the pension agreed by Peru to the Liberator José de San Martín (1849), who at that time was in his retirement from Boulogne-sur-Mer, France, going through economic hardship. Thus, Peru was the only country in South America that materially helped the Liberator in his last days, who died on August 17, 1850. In Lima, funerals and honors were held for the founder of the Peruvian Republic.

The rejection of the Obando Mission
General José María Obando, one of the leaders of Colombia (then called New Granada), had taken refuge in Peru in 1842, where he enjoyed the protection of the government of Juan Crisóstomo Torrico. But after his overthrow, he was forced to withdraw from Peru. He returned to the country when the constitutional restoration of 1845 took place, being welcomed by President Castilla, who even helped him financially. From Lima, Obando carried out a journalistic campaign against his enemy, the president of Colombia Tomás Cipriano de Mosquera. After the change of government in Colombia and the ascension of José Hilario López, Obando returned to his homeland in 1849. The following year he was accredited as plenipotentiary minister in Lima. But the government of Castile refused to receive his credentials, thus producing a diplomatic incident with Colombia.

A widely spread version of the reason for Castilla's refusal is that Obando was accused of being the murderer of Marshal Antonio José de Sucre, an event that occurred in 1830 in the mountains of Berruecos. When Obando protested, Castilla responded: "It may be that the courts of your country have not condemned you, but you have not been absolved by the public opinion of America."

In reality, the true background of Castilla's rejection of the Obando mission is not known. In a document written by the chancellor Joaquín José de Osma, the episode is alluded to, stating that Castilla considered it indecorous to receive a character who, when he had been asylum in Peru, the The Colombian government had claimed him with the pejorative labels of treacherous and arsonist murderer, and then, inexplicably, sent him as minister, without removing those notes loaded with insults.

When the change of government occurred in Peru with the ascension of José Rufino Echenique (April 1851), the Colombian government insisted on accrediting Obando as its minister in Lima. But Echenique maintained his predecessor's refusal.

Educational policy
Since the beginning of the Republic, it had not been contemplated to implement a comprehensive educational policy in Peru. Castilla, advised by experts on the subject, directly addressed the issue and thus was the first republican government to do so.

Elementary or primary education
The State was directly in charge of elementary schools and the allocation of income to tutors. A legislative resolution of May 8, 1848 established, while a general plan was being discussed, the four notebooks for elementary education: analytical reading, orthology, calligraphy and spelling. Education was differentiated, that is, boys and girls could not study together and each group had to have its own school and teaching. Primary schools were founded in several provincial towns.{ {sfn|Rivera|1974|p=77}}

Reorganization of schools
Castilla also undertook the reorganization and reestablishment of national schools (middle or secondary education) throughout the Republic, since these had been seriously affected, in their income and personnel, by the civil and international wars that occurred in the first two decades of the republican life.

The courses that teachers had to teach were regulated, some schools were provided with additional income, the complete reorganization of some schools was ordered, such as the National College of American Independence of Arequipa, it was ordered the reopening of several schools such as the Colegio San Miguel de Piura, the Colegio de la Libertad of Huaraz and the Colegio de Educandas del Cuzco. The flowering of schools such as the College of Sciences and Arts of Cuzco, the College of Sciences and Arts of Cajamarca and the College of San Carlos] began to flourish. Carlos de Puno, among others. And the Colegio de Educandas de Trujillo, the Colegio de San Francisco de Arequipa, the Colegio San Ramón de Ayacucho, the Colegio de Santa Rosa de Puno, the Colegio de la Victoria de Tacna and the Central Mining School of Huánuco.

Public Instruction Regulations of 1850
On June 14, 1850, a Regulation of Public Instruction was issued, signed by Castilla and its minister Juan Manuel del Mar. It was the first organic regulation of a general nature for the entire Republic and by which the State assumed the direction and administration of education, which until then was divided between political authority, charities, municipalities, schools and universities. A twelve-member Central Board of Public Instruction was created, with branches in the departmental and provincial capitals, and which had supervision and collaboration functions. Any citizen could create educational establishments, but had to submit to the provisions of the Regulations for it to be officially validated. Public education was thus centralized, differentiated from private education and divided into three degrees of education:
 * First: First and second order schools.
 * Second: Minor Schools.
 * Third: Colleges and Universities

The Minor Schools were responsible for continuing the education provided in the schools that followed the second grade. The courses had to be Spanish language and literature, notions of logic and ethics, rudiments of chemistry, physics and natural history, elements of pure mathematics, universal history and geography (with special extension to that of Peru), rules of the Political Constitution, hygiene, drawing and music. The Residence Halls were responsible for complementing scientific and humanistic instruction; In them the exams corresponding to university degrees could be given, although once approved, the graduate had to take it at the University. Thus, the old structure of the Residence Halls as institutes of secondary and professional education at the same time was maintained, persisting the confusion that had existed since the viceregal era between both levels of education.

Schools of Arts and Crafts
By law of October 23, 1849, the foundation of schools of arts and crafts was ordered in each departmental capital, whose resources would be deducted from the surpluses of municipal income or from another source to be determined. The purpose of this law was to guide teaching towards the development of industry and crafts, thus overcoming the merely humanistic training that was given in schools, as well as proposing scholarships for low-income students. But it did not come to fruition and remained only a good intention.

Development of higher education
It was under the government of Castile that an important development of higher education began. Particularly noteworthy are the Convictorio de San Carlos, the Colegio de la Independencia (former College of Medicine of San Fernando and current Faculty of Human Medicine of the University of San Marcos) and the Santo Toribio Seminary. This development implied an improvement in teaching quality and study programs, as well as an increase in budget.

Also notable in terms of higher education was the Colegio Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe, a private institution founded in 1840, initially intended for primary education, although it was expanded to secondary education, until reach the top level. At that time it had teachers imbued with liberal ideology. Its rector was then the famous Spanish educator Sebastián Lorente, who made a profound renovation in the teaching methodology. The ideological debates that this study center had with the conservative Convictorio de San Carlos influenced the intellectual development of Peru, as we will see later. It was years later, in 1855, when Guadalupe became a National School, being limited to providing middle or secondary education.

The Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (like the provincial universities) remained behind for the time being, without adapting to the great advances of the world and would only begin to improve with the reform of 1855, already under the second government of Castilla.

Medical education reform. Cayetano Heredia
The doctor Cayetano Heredia, at the head of a commission created in 1842, dedicated himself to reorganizing and modernizing the College of Independence, the name with which the Republic baptized the colonial College of Medicine of San Fernando, which from 1855 It became the Faculty of Human Medicine of the University of San Marcos. Heredia put his teaching at the level of the scientific advances that occurred in Europe, especially from the French school. He managed the hiring of prominent medical professionals from abroad to dedicate themselves to teaching, such as the Italian Manuel Solari, the Frenchman Pedro Dunglas and the Guayaquil native José Julián Bravo. He also hired the Italians Antonio Raimondi (naturalist) and José Éboli (chemist) as teachers, and the wise Spanish Sebastián Lorente, who were in charge of teaching various subjects related to the exercise of medical practice. And among the Peruvian teachers were the prominent surgeons Julián Sandoval and Marcelino Aranda. Likewise, Heredia expanded the physics and natural history cabinets; He founded the museum of pathological anatomy and enriched the library with books of his own; He sent several of his outstanding students to Europe to perfect themselves, financing them with his own money, since the College did not have sufficient resources. All of them later became renowned doctors, as were the cases of José Casimiro Ulloa, Francisco Rosas, Rafael Benavides and José Pro.

By decree of December 30, 1848, the Tribunal del Protomedicato, the old colonial institution in charge of overseeing the exercise of the medical profession, was abolished. In its replacement, a Board of Directors of the Faculty of Medicine was created, composed of seven members and with a president elected periodically on a rotating basis among them. It was responsible for subjecting graduates of the College or Faculty of Medicine to the necessary tests to confer the degree of doctor, as well as other functions related to the practice of medicine.

An important milestone in the practice of surgery was the arrival of anesthesia by inhalation of ether, which was applied for the first time in Lima on April 20, 1847 by Dr. Julián Sandoval. The teaching of obstetrics was also reborn, which had declined after the departure in 1836 of Mrs. Paulina Cadeau de Fessel, a pioneer of obstetric practice in Peru. In 1847, a new Maternity Hospital was inaugurated, in the form of an annex to the Hospital Santa Ana.

Chinese immigration
Given the farmers' complaint about the lack of labor in the fields, the Executive, through the Minister of Government Juan Manuel del Mar, sent to Congress an immigration project to bring labor from abroad. A fund was also created. Congress approved a General Immigration Law, which was promulgated on November 17, 1849. To encourage this immigration, a bonus of 30 pesos was granted to the businessman for each of the immigrants he introduced, when they came in batches of more than fifty-one. whose ages were from 10 to 40 years. This law was popularly known as the "Chinese law", since it encouraged more than anything the immigration of Chinese or coolies for agricultural work and the extraction of guano from islands. Businessmen Domingo Elías and Juan Rodríguez received the exclusive right to introduce Chinese for four years; The first batch, 75 Chinese in total, from Canton, had arrived in Callao before the promulgation of the law, on October 15, 1849. Until 1852, 2,516 Chinese arrived.

European immigration
Within the framework of the 1849 law, European settlers also arrived, but in smaller numbers. They were Germans and Irish, the latter fleeing the famine that was ravaging Ireland at the time. Until 1853, 1,096 Germans and 320 Irish entered. But unlike other countries in America, European immigration did not prosper in Peru. Many Irish who arrived in Peru later chose to go to Australia. For their part, the Germans tried unsuccessfully to colonize the jungle region. Only years later, under the second government of Castile, a colony of Austro-Germans would settle in Pozuzo.

Debate between liberals and conservatives
The controversy between liberals and conservatives dated back to the beginning of the Republic. But the leaders of each of these tendencies were already in retirement, and in general had seen their political projects fail in the face of disorder and anarchy. The return of Peru to democratic life in 1845, added to the internal order and material progress that the country experienced, led to the development of a great intellectual movement represented by new outstanding figures of both tendencies.

After two decades of confused political life, the ideological dialogue between conservatives and liberals, that is, between the defenders of order and the defenders of freedom, was finally able to resume on a high note. The conservatives were led by the priest Bartolomé Herrera, rector of the Convictorio de San Carlos; Among the leaders of liberalism stood out Benito Laso, Francisco de Paula González Vigil and the brothers Pedro and José Gálvez; the latter curiously had been forged in the conservative ideology of the Carolinian cloister.

Controversy between Herrera and Laso
Bartolomé Herrera had been appointed rector of the Carolina Convictory in 1842, after he delivered a notable sermon during the funeral of President Gamarra, which has been considered a call to order in the country. On July 28, 1846, the anniversary of independence, Herrera gave another sermon at the Cathedral of Lima, at the request of President Castilla. This sermon marked the beginning of the ideological struggle between conservatives and liberals.

Herrera interpreted Peruvian history in a providentialist sense. According to him, the Incas had fulfilled their mission of unifying and civilizing the Andean world, but when they fell into civil war, Spain arrived bringing order and true faith. He recognized that there were excesses on the part of the Spanish but that this was the result of the injustice typical of the men of the time. Then independence came as something inevitable, but it brought with it false and impious principles of the French Revolution and that is why it was time to react against them as was being done in Europe.

According to Herrera's vision, there is a natural or divine law, which makes some people more capable of commanding and giving laws, because they are endowed with intelligence; It is therefore from God that authority emanates and the authorities are his representatives. The rest, which is the people, must obey. Sovereignty is therefore nothing but obedience to authorities in accordance with divine will. Benito Laso took on the task of refuting Herrera's thesis, through the periodical press. This character stood out for his radical liberalism. A hero of independence, journalist, magistrate, he had also been Minister of State several times. Faced with Herrera's thesis of the "sovereignty of intelligence", that is, that only the best and most prepared in society were the ones who should govern and make the laws, Laso ardently defended the "popular sovereignty" emanating from the group of free and capable citizens. Laso finally withdrew from the debate considering that he had been insulted and ridiculed, but this did not put an end to the controversy, which continued with other interlocutors. The debate this time revolved around whether or not the people's consent for someone to govern them was the origin of sovereignty.

The rivalry between Guadalupe and San Carlos Schools
Just as the Convictorio de San Carlos, directed by Bartolomé Herrera, was the headquarters of conservatism, the Colegio Guadalupe, directed by the Spaniard Sebastián Lorente, became the bastion of the liberals. Among the professors at Guadalupe, the brothers Pedro and José Gálvez stood out. In 1850, due to Lorente's resignation due to health reasons, Pedro Gálvez became rector of Guadalupe, and when he left that position in 1852 he was replaced by his brother José Gálvez, the future Minister of War and hero of the Combate of Callao of 1866. Under this new leadership, the liberalism of Guadalupe was accentuated, while the intensity of the conservative preaching of San Carlos, Herrera already distanced from his direction, it was weakened.

San Carlos defended the sovereignty of intelligence, while Guadalupe was the standard bearer of the sovereignty of freedom. As summarized by the historian Jorge Guillermo Leguía San Carlos represented order and Guadalupe freedom.

The parliamentary debate between Herrera and Pedro Gálvez
In 1849, Bartolomé Herrera and Pedro Gálvez were elected deputies to Congress, bringing the ideological discussions carried out until then from the chair to the parliamentary forum. Interesting debates took place between conservatives and liberals on various topics, the most memorable being the debate on indigenous suffrage. Naturally, Herrera opposed granting the vote to illiterate indigenous and mestizos, because, according to him, they had a natural inability to exercise that right. Which was refuted by Gálvez, denying that capacity is the origin of the right. Another interesting debate was about the law reforming the election of bishops, in which Herrera intervened in a masterful manner, refuting that the representatives of the people had any right in the matter. In this case, one of his interlocutors was José Manuel Tirado.

Vigil's criticisms of the Roman curia
The Tacneño clergyman Francisco de Paula González Vigil represented a liberal and enlightened current within the Catholic Church. In 1849 he finished writing his work Defense of the authority of governments against the pretensions of the Roman curia, in six volumes, in which he defended the existence of national churches subordinated to civil authority (what is called [ [Regalism|regalistic theses]]).

Abolition of estates
Although the constitutional laws since 1828 established more democratic norms with respect to property, the majorazgos still subsisted in Peru, a colonial remnant that consisted of the right of the upper class to possess inalienable or non-alienable property. , that is, they could only be transmitted within each family in succession order, especially favoring the eldest son. This was what had allowed the colonial aristocracy to preserve and increase its economic power during the viceregal era.

By law of November 4, 1849, the mayorazgos were definitively abolished. The law even went further than the Constitution, by declaring that all property was alienable, and was extended to other types of relationships, such as ecclesiastical chaplaincies. From then on The distribution of property was easier (although the existence of the latifundia could not be avoided) and the rise of new people to high social life was allowed, by virtue of the privilege of wealth and no longer aristocratic ancestry; This new class is the so-called republican plutocracy.

Intellectual Property Law
By law of October 31, 1849, what we call today Intellectual Property Right was introduced in Peru, on writings, geographical charts, pictorial and musical works, except for those works contrary to the Catholic faith or that offend morality and good customs, which should be prosecuted by law. The author had the right to sell and disseminate his works within and outside the territory of the Republic and enjoy their dividends for life, and his heirs within twenty years after his death, after which they would pass into the public domain. According to Basadre, for more than a century this law remained inoperative.

Regulation of Charity Societies
On September 9, 1849, the Organic Regulations of the Sociedad de Beneficencia Pública de Lima were issued, which were complemented on October 28 of the same year with another for provincial charitable societies. It was established that these entities should be governed in each capital by boards of five members, subordinated to political power. Its functions were detailed. This marked a milestone in the development of charity in Peru.

Preparation of Civil Codes
During the Peru-Bolivian Confederation, the protector Andrés de Santa Cruz had imposed the Napoleonic-inspired codes of Bolivia on the Peruvian States. After the fall of Santa Cruz in 1839, the old civil laws of the colonial era returned to govern in Peru, which implied an obvious backwardness. The government of Castile, at the request of the Council of State, ordered the preparation of new republican codes that had to be proposed to Congress for approval. In this regard, a technical commission was formed made up of jurists of different ideologies, such as the conservatives Manuel Pérez de Tudela and Manuel López Lisson, and the liberal Francisco Javier Mariátegui. The Commission in Congress was made up of Manuel Carrera, Julio José Rospigliosi, José Luis Gómez Sánchez and José Manuel Tirado.

The draft Civil Procedure Code was approved in just half a year of discussion, but the Civil Code sparked a bitter debate regarding the issue of marriage, which the liberals wanted to appear as a contract and the conservatives as a sacrament. . No consensus was reached; Meanwhile, another draft Code was finished being discussed, that of Prosecutions in civil matters. Castile, seeing that the deadline given by law had expired, ordered by decree of November 22, 1850 that both codes be published at once, as they were and separating only the articles in question, but Congress prevented it in June 1851. The next government of José Rufino Echenique ordered that both projects return to parliamentary discussion. Finally, Congress approved them and they were promulgated by the government on July 28, 1852. The Civil Code of 1852 would remain in force until 1936 and the Code of Prosecutions in civil matters until 1911.

Court Rules
On September 22, 1845, the Supreme Court of Peru promulgated a Regulation of Courts, which despite its gaps and defects, was superior to another given in 1822 that was still based on the old Spanish laws. Its purpose was to detail the organization and powers of the courts and tribunals. It remained in force until 1853, when another was enacted.

Legislation on indigenous communities
Since the beginning of the Republican era, the Creole ruling class had promoted the conversion of indigenous people into landowners, thus going against the ancient heritage of the indigenous community. This policy, the result of liberal thought, rather than favoring the indigenous people, had led to their lands being subject to different forms of alienation, mostly for the benefit of the landowners. During its first government, Castilla defended the rights of the indigenous communities, and as an example of this it gave two resolutions, on January 15 and April 30, 1849, in favor of the communities of the province of Huarochirí. But since the regime of possession of communal lands was not explicitly legislated, this vacuum was taken advantage of by landowners or other owners. Furthermore, on August 6, 1846, a law was promulgated that established compensation for lands alienated in previous governments, but which was more aimed at favoring the landowners who had acquired those lands within the communities, who to these.

Material progress. Public Works. Administration
With regard to public works and material advancement, notable progress was achieved under the government of Castile.

The first railway in Peru and South America
It was during the government of Castile that the first railway in Peru was built, which was at the same time the first in South America and in the entire southern hemisphere. It covered the route from Lima to Callao. The contract for the work was made with the wealthy businessmen Pedro González de Candamo and José Vicente Oyague and brother. The ceremony to begin the work at the Lima station took place on June 30, 1850, presided over by Castilla himself, who, upon receiving the badilejo to lay the first stone, expressed the following words: «This "an instrument of industry in the hands of a republican soldier is of greater importance to me than the scepter of the universe." The inauguration of the line took place on June 17, 1851. The railway had tickets of three classes, according to their categories.

The railway station in Lima was called San Juan de Dios, because an old colonial convent of that name had been there, in the area now occupied by Plaza San Martín.

There is debate as to whether this railroad was actually the first on the American subcontinent. A railway in British Guiana (from Georgetown to Plaisance) is said to be actually the oldest on the continent, having been handed over to traffic in 1849. The railway] has also entered the dispute Caldera-Copiapó, in Chile, inaugurated on December 25, 1851, but whose work had begun before that of the Peruvian railway. But what is certain is that the railway from Lima to Callao has the merit of having been the first to carry out cargo and passenger transport service in Hispanic South America (the Caldera-Copiapó railway was only cargo). The first railway in Brazil was inaugurated in 1854; and that of Argentina in 1857.

Implementation of gas lighting
As late as 1845, the old cigarette lighter lanterns from the colonial era were still used in the streets of Lima, whose illumination was very weak. By decree of July 12, 1845, Castile authorized Melchor Charón to establish the gas lighting system in the capital. A private demonstration was made before the president at the Lima Mint. The contract was signed on March 25, 1851, through which Charón agreed to place five hundred lights in the urban perimeter of Lima. The debut of the system would occur under the second government of Castile, in 1855.

Reorganization of the postal service
Castilla ordered a total reorganization of the mail service, which since colonial times had been in a deplorable state, lacking proper security and guarantees. In 1849, the lawyer and scholar José Dávila Condemarín was appointed general administrator of the Post Office; His management was remarkable. He managed to obtain funds and established rules that guaranteed the inviolability of correspondence. He promoted the adoption of the stamp system for postage.

The Central Market of Lima
The first great work of Lima's urban progress was the construction of the Mercado Central de Lima, a modern food market that was to replace the antiquated and unhealthy markets of colonial heritage. The decree was given on November 19, 1846. Its headquarters were established on the land where it remains until today: the block surrounded by the current Huallaga, Andahuaylas, Ucayali and Ayacucho districts. For this work, part of the Convento de la Concepción was expropriated, which gave rise to the protest of the nuns, who were supported by the archbishop of Lima Francisco Javier de Luna Pizarro. The government argued that the assets of the convents were in the public domain, but for the sake of conciliation, it undertook to compensate. Although the demolitions began, the work was paralyzed and it would be the successor of Castilla who would take it back.

Another novelty with regard to urban works was the paving or use of asphalt on the sidewalks surrounding the Plaza de Armas in Lima (1846). The paving of the streets of Lima also began. It was established that the owners would pay for half the value of the work carried out in front of their properties (1847).

Boost to steam navigation
The push for steam navigation, begun in 1840, continued, which was in charge of the English Steam Company. The crossing was no longer just from Callao to Valparaíso, but was extended to Panama, increasing the number of steamships. A ticket from Callao to Valparaíso cost 120 pesos.

Health works in ports
Until 1845, Lima was the only city in Peru that had iron pipes for carrying drinking water. In 1846 the government made a contract with William Wheelwright for the installation of said work in the port of Callao. Other similar contracts were made for the benefit of the ports of Arica and Islay.

Public works in provinces
The government also ordered that public works be carried out throughout the Republic. Churches, hospitals, schools, markets, customs, barracks, prefectures were built, as well as bridle paths and bridges that connected many inland towns.

Of note is the reconstruction of the Izcuchaca bridge over the Mantaro River (1847) and the contracting of the metal bridge over the Lurín River, a work that was inaugurated in the following government. Regarding road works, it was ordered to open a road from Pasco to the jungle region of Pozuzo, and from there to Mairo, which were mission territory (1845). The construction of the Cuzco-Santa Ana highway also began.

Studies were also carried out on irrigation works to gain agricultural land. In this regard, the Pampas project of Uchusuma, in Tacna, was restarted.

Statistics and census
By decree of April 29, 1848, the Central Statistics Council was founded, which issued a National Statistics Regulation. Its purpose was to record detailed statistics on all branches of public service, which would constitute a valuable tool for the government in its work in favor of the populations. It was to be made up of seven Statistics sections and representatives of the different ministries, the so-called Departmental Information Boards and the Provincial Statistics Boards. Although they were not met its objectives at that time, is a precursor to the current statistics institute of Peru ( INEI).

In 1850 the government of Castile carried out a population census, calculated indirectly, that is, through the data contained in the taxpayers' license plates, which yielded the figure of 2 001  200 inhabitants. However, it would only be from 1862 onwards that the population censuses themselves, of a direct nature, would begin to be carried out.

Industrial development
An important industrial development began in the country, although it was only light industries and domestic consumption.

In 1846, a candles and stearins factory was inaugurated in Callao, that took advantage of whale derivatives. It was owned by Eugenio Rosell.

In 1847, a glass factory was founded in Callao, owned by the brothers José and Francisco Bossio, who had previously had a location in Lima, but this time they expanded it by further diversifying their production. A sulfuric acid distillation factory was also founded in Lima.

In 1848, the owners of the newspaper El Comercio of Lima, Messrs. Manuel de Amunátegui and Alejandro Villota, installed the first paper factory in existence. in Peru, brought from the United States and moved by a water wheel. He settled in the so-called Molino de Deza, near the Portada de Guías, in the neighborhood known as Abajo el Puente. Apart from making paper for newspaper, they made a rougher, brown paper for commercial use. The owners also expanded the facilities of their newspaper, installing a steam engine to move their presses, also brought from abroad.

In that same year, 1848, a match factory was inaugurated, a fire lighting fashion that was already widespread to replace the old straw. The factory, which was called "La Peruana", was installed on the Alameda that goes to Callao. The price of twelve boxes of matches was half a real.

But the most ambitious project of those years was undoubtedly a fabric factory called "Los Tres Amigos", inaugurated in Lima on July 27, 1848, whose owners were Messrs. Juan Norberto Casanova, José de Santiago and Modesto Herce, and which It was financed with capital contributed by the richest men in Peru at that time, Pedro González Candamo and Domingo Elías. Its headquarters were in the old colonial mansion of the viceroy Manuel de Amat y Junyent, in the Alameda de los Descalzos, which was inhabited by Micaela Villegas, the Perricholi, and which years later would be the headquarters of the Backus & Johnston brewery (currently disabled). For their work, the entrepreneurs acquired an expensive power loom, powered by a steam engine that took advantage of the fall of water from the nearby irrigation ditches. It employed more than 160 people, mostly women, and began mass manufacturing of the first Peruvian cotton yarns and fabrics (tocuyos). Its inauguration was sponsored by Castilla himself and his wife. The start-up of this factory was quite a event that provoked great curiosity among the public, to such an extent that the owners were forced to set only one day a week for visits. On October 30, 1848, He gave President Castilla the first piece of tocuyo woven in the factory, which was deposited in the National Museum. Unfortunately, this factory was not maintained for long and closed in 1852. The free market brought cheaper products from abroad, where cotton prices and wages were lower than in Lima; It was therefore impossible to compete with them. Thus this first attempt to create a national industry was ruined and there were many who believed that there was a conspiracy to favor English capitalism with that outcome. The Peruvian textile industry would, however, be reborn years later, with the Vitarte factory. It is also worth mentioning the silk weaving factory installed in Lima, owned by José de Sarratea, a creditor of the State at the time of independence, who requested as compensation a building that served as a customs office, on the current Abancay Avenue., where some time later the headquarters of the Ministry of Finance would be built (currently it is the headquarters of the Public Ministry - Prosecutor's Office of the Nation). Sarratea installed his factory there and brought modern machinery. The first work he did was a presidential sash, which was given to President Castilla, and some gloves for the archbishop of Lima Francisco Javier de Luna Pizarro.

A cotton fabric factory was also founded in Ica by businessmen Pedro Lloyd, Juan José Zambrano and Clemente Basilio Moyano.

The presidential candidates
For the elections of 1850, General José Rufino Echenique presented himself as a candidate, with the support of the conservative sectors of the country. Echenique was one of the Vivanquista military men that Castilla had assimilated into its government. He had twice been president of the Council of State (a position equivalent to that of first vice president of the Republic) and although at some point Castilla suspected that he had conspired against him, the two eventually reconciled. Echenique also had the advantage of being an aristocrat and possessing wealth, in addition to having a gentlemanly character, free of cruelty and resentment, which easily attracted followers.

General Manuel Ignacio de Vivanco, the former head of the Directory who was overthrown by the revolution led by Castilla in 1843, also presented himself as a candidate. After his defeat at Carmen Alto, Vivanco had gone to Ecuador, where he dedicated himself to agriculture in the region of Manabí. In 1849 he returned to Peru under the protection of the amnesty law given in 1847. He had the unconditional support of the people of Arequipa, his former supporters of the Directory and a sector of the opponents of the government of Castile. He even obtained authorization to visit President Castilla at the Government Palace, on the anniversary of the Battle of Ayacucho. The two bitter rivals of yesteryear appeared together in the theater, sitting in the presidential box, where Castilla's wife, Mrs. Francisca Diez Canseco, was also present.

Another character who presented himself as a candidate was Domingo Elías, the civil leader and agricultural businessman from Ica, who had burst onto the political scene on the occasion of that episode of civil resistance in the city of Lima known as Semana Magna. His candidacy was launched by the Progressive Club, the first attempt at a political party that Peru had, supported by businessmen and liberal intellectuals.

Another candidacy was that of Marshal Miguel de San Román, who had returned to the country after the vote of indemnity that favored the conspirators of 1849. Enmity with Castilla, San Román, for the moment, had no further relationship with him and rejected any merger or alliance proposal made to him separately by the other candidates. He was the weakest of all the candidates and this would be reflected in the final result.

Finally, the generals Antonio Gutiérrez de La Fuente, Pedro Pablo Bermúdez and José Félix Iguaín also nominated, although with no option of victory. .

The government-backed candidate was Echenique. He himself reported in his memoirs that the authorities, throughout the Republic, received instructions to support his candidacy. But the campaign soon broke out in insults and expletives between Echeniquistas and Vivanquistas. Echenique was accused of having Bolivian nationality, taking advantage of the fact that the book containing his baptism certificate in Puno had been lost. Apparently, all this commotion worried Castilla, who then entertained the idea of ​​extending his command, looking for some legal way out for it. But finally he decided to continue supporting Echenique.

The electoral process
According to the historian Jorge Basadre, the elections of 1851 were the first true electoral process in the republican history of Peru. There were several candidates, a public display of strength, formulation of programs, propaganda, journalistic campaigns full of flattery towards one's own candidate and full of insults towards the rival. And there were also serious signs of bad maneuvers on the part of the government to favor its preferred candidate.

The election was indirect, through the Electoral Colleges. To ensure the victory of a candidate, it was necessary to forcefully take over the tables where citizens had to choose electors. These, meeting in College, in the different constituencies, in turn appointed the President of the Republic as well as senators and deputies. On February 17, 1850, the Lima parish elections were held for the electoral college of the province. "Men of action" arrived in the capital and caused bloody brawls to win the parish schools; There were up to 40 dead, among them General Coloma, as well as numerous wounded. The government had to impose order under threat of suspending the electoral process. The provincial electoral colleges voted on December 20, 1850.

The Hundred Day Affair
Before the transfer of command, two very serious problems arose: the controversial nationality of Echenique and the matter of the hundred days. The latter referred to a controversy that arose over the duration of the presidential term. The mandate of Castile, by law, had to last six years. As he had assumed on April 20, 1845, by logical interpretation it should end on April 20, 1851. But according to the Constitution, the elected president had to take office on July 28, together with the newly elected Congress. Thus, there remained a period of one hundred days in which it was not clear who should assume the government. Castilla maintained that it was up to him to complete that period; Another possibility was that the president of the Council of State, who served as first vice president, was the one who took over temporarily, but it was the case that Echenique, the candidate who was already considered the winner of the elections, was the one who held that position.

Bartolomé Herrera, who at that time was the president of the Congress, warned Castilla that he had to transfer control on April 20, 1851, which greatly bothered the president, as he considered that the former rector of San Carlos was treating him like a schoolboy. . The Council of State, for its part, agreed with Castilla, that he had to complete that period of one hundred days. But Castilla decided to follow the opposition's advice: call an Extraordinary Congress that was to decide on both controversial issues, Echenique's nationality and the hundred days. When he appeared, he expected that Congress would agree with him on the issue of the hundred days, which did not happen.

The Extraordinary Congress of 1851. Transfer of power
The Extraordinary Congress met between March 20 and April 20, 1851. During its inauguration, Castilla gave his last message in which he summarized his governmental work.

Regarding the issue of Echenique's birthplace, the congressional commission rejected questions about his Peruvian nationality. He considered that Echenique had already assumed the presidency of the Council of State twice, and that at the time no question of that type was raised; He also presented documents that indicated he was born in Puno, although acknowledging that the baptism certificate was lost. In this regard, General Iguaín considered the evidence shown to be false or contradictory and challenged Echenique to a duel to the death. For this incident, Iguaín was subjected to trial in the military jurisdiction and imprisoned in the Santa Catalina barracks, where, victim of an illness, he died months later, already under the government of Echenique. .

Regarding the hundred days, Congress determined that the period of Castile should end on April 20, the day the new government was to be installed, together with the new Congress. He was also in charge of reviewing the electoral records. According to the official count, the total number of voters was 3,804. Of them, 2,392 voted for Echenique, 609 for Elías, 326 for Vivanco, 242 for San Román, 52 for Bermúdez, 33 for La Fuente, one for Iguaín and the rest were null or flawed vote. This is how Echenique, with the support of the government of Castilla, obtained the electoral victory. Echenique therefore received command on April 20, 1851 and his administration became in some way the extension of the first government of Castile.