User:Vergil70

This is my Wikipedia user page for my translation class. These texts are a first draft. Before being published, they were proofread. Translated articles:

1) Babulo (Uato-Lari)

2) Aktion Mensch

3) Landesjugendorchester Baden-Württemberg

AnTransit

Babulo
Section 4

Overview
Anthropologist Susana Barnes studied the culture and traditions of the residents of Babulo for several years, keeping a record of the interaction between the different clans and their respective ceremonial duties. The following account is based primarily on her paper Origins, Precedence and Social Order in the Domain of Ina Ama Beli Darlari.

The Suco Babulo has a population of 2,187 (2015), 1,113 of whom are men and 1,074 women. The population density is 31,0 residents per km². There are 455 private homes in the entire Suco. Nearly 97 per cent of all residents claim Naueti as their native language. Almost 2 per cent speak Makasae, some Tetum Prasa, Tetum Terik, Makalero, Fataluku and Waimaha. The Makasae-speaking section of the population was 24 per cent before local government reform. The literacy rate among people aged 15 to 24 is 88,32 per cent, outranking the national average as well as the average of the community of Viqueque. Expanding the age bracket to encompass all people aged 15 and over results in a significantly lower rate, with only 57,2 per cent able to read and write, which is still higher than that of the community Viqueque (55,9 per cent). 40,83 per cent of the population is under the age of 15 (national average: 39,09 per cent), whereas 15,09 per cent are 60 or over (8,19 per cent).

Trans Section 6
Die Umsiedlungen in der indonesischen Besatzungszeit haben die Folge, dass etwa die Hälfte der Bevölkerung Babulos ihre Wurzeln im Nachbarsuco Afaloicai hat. Sie bilden ihre eigenen Aldeias und sind auch nicht dem traditionellen ansässigen Liurai untergeordnet. Kulturell haben sie immer noch eine Bindung zu ihrem Stammland, das sie klar von ihrem jetzigen Wohnsitz unterscheiden. Afaloicai und Babulo haben eine lange Geschichte von sozialen Beziehungen, wie Eheschließungen zum Bündnis. Trotzdem werden die Bewohner aus Afaloicai oft noch immer als Einwanderer gesehen, die weniger Ansprüche auf Land und andere natürliche Ressourcen haben.

Viele traditionelle Führer beklagen, dass die alten Riten, die die Fruchtbarkeit des Landes sichern sollen, von vielen Einwohnern des Sucos nicht mehr betrieben werden, auch von Angehörigen der führenden Clans. Auch würden nur noch wenige Menschen die mythische Geschichte des Sucos oder die Beschwörungen der Ahnen kennen. Einwanderer bringen eigene Traditionen und Ahnen mit, die verehrt werden. Die Ältesten Babulos sprechen von einer „chaotischen“ Situation, die zu Problemen und Sorgen seit dem Abzug der Portugiesen führte.

Resettlements during the Indonesian occupation have led to half of the population having their ancestral roots in the neighbouring Suco of Afaloicai. They form their own Aldeias and don′t consider themselves subordinate to the old and traditional Liurai. They are still, through their culture, tied to their native land, but draw a distinction between their current and their former home. Afaloicai and Babulo have a long and common history of social relations, such as marriages for the sake of political alliances. Nonetheless, the inhabitants of Afaloicai are still oftentimes considered immigrants with less claim to the land and other natural ressources.

Many traditional leaders complain that numerous inhabitants of the Suco, even some members of the foremost clans, are neglecting old rituals previously followed to ensure the fertility of the soil. Additionally, only a small number of people remain who are aware of the history of the Suco their ancestors' incantations. Immigrants, on the other hand bring their own venerated traditions and ancestors. The elders of Babulo describe this situation as “chaotic”, which has resulted in many problems and anxieties since the withdrawal of the Portuguese.

Traditioneller Glaube


Die Mehrheit der Einwohner Babulos bekennt sich offiziell zum katholischen Glauben, so wie in ganz Osttimor. In der gesamten Gemeinde Viqueque bekennen sich nur noch 52 Einwohner zum traditionellen Glauben, in dem Naturgeister und Ahnen verehrt werden.

Trotzdem hat die traditionelle Religion noch immer viel Einfluss, wobei betont wird, dass schon vor Eintreffen der katholischen Missionare hier nicht einfach „Fels und Baum“ (uato no kai) angebetet wurden, sondern die Schöpfungsgottheit Wula′ Lara (Mond Sonne, auch Ulu Lara). Diese schuf nach dem Glauben die Welt und setzte bestimmte Menschen auf die Erde, um das Land zu kontrollieren (ei) und zu zähmen (masi). Bevor diese Auserwählten ankamen, lebten die Menschen ohne Regeln und Vorschriften (ikutame, garteme). Erst nachdem die Auserwählten die Kontrolle übernommen hatten, wurden Verhaltensnormen und Praktiken etabliert für eine gesellschaftliche und moralische Ordnung. Die Wahrung dieser obliegt den Erben der Auserwählten, dem Clan der Daralari, durch die Fortführung der heiligen (luli) Normen und Praktiken. Diese beeinflussen das Zusammenspiel der Clans und Häuser und bestimmen die Rituale und das soziale Leben.

Als am heiligsten gelten die Regeln, die mit den Gründervätern in Verbindung gebracht werden. Mit der Inbesitznahme des Landes waren sie für die Benennung der Hügel, Felsen, Flüsse, Quellen, Wälder und Felder verantwortlich und begannen mit der Nutzung der Natur und ihrer Ressourcen. Dies schuf die Grundlagen der Wechselbeziehung mit den bu′u, den ursprünglichen Eigentümern des Landes oder Wächtern, die die Erde bewohnten. Der Glaube an die unsichtbare Welt, die von bu′u in unterschiedlichen Formen bewohnt ist, ist noch heute weit verbreitet. Die Mächtigsten unter ihnen sind nach dem Glauben die unabhängigen und ungezähmten „Eigentümer“ (des Landes und der natürlichen Ressourcen), die Tier- oder Menschengestalt annehmen können. Sie herrschen über die Abläufe in der Natur und können die Beziehung zwischen Mensch und Land beeinflussen. Respektiert man die luli-Ordnung und Verbote nicht, kann es nach der Vorstellung vieler Einwohner negative Folgen haben. Von Krankheiten und Todesfällen wird berichtet. Um diesen zu entgehen, braucht man die Hilfe der Ältesten, um die bu′u wieder zu besänftigen. Deswegen „folgt man den Fußspuren“ der Ahnen mit besonderen Ritualen, Beschwörungen und Opfergaben, um die bu′u gnädig zu stimmen und Zugriff auf die natürlichen Ressourcen zu bekommen. Auch die Geister der Ahnen sind nach dem Glauben in die Natur eingegangen. Orte, von denen man glaubt, dass sie sich hier versammeln, gelten als heilig. Mehrere Ahnen sind in die lokalen Legenden aufgrund ihrer Taten eingegangen. Teilweise waren diese verbunden mit großen Opfern bis hin zum Tod. Zu den Taten gehören die erste Ernte, Schutz der Grenzen und Bewahrung des Landes vor Naturkatastrophen. Es herrscht eine wechselseitige Beziehung zwischen den Lebenden und den Ahnen. Über das Jahr verteilen sich Rituale der gesamten Gemeinde und der einzelnen Clans mit Beschwörungen und Opfergaben für die Ahnen.

Traditional Faith


The majority of the inhabitants of Babulo, just as in entire East Timor, openly follow the Catholic religion. Only 52 inhabitants of Viqueque adhere to their traditional belief of Timor, honouring spirits of nature and long dead ancestors. Nonetheless, traditional religion hasn’t lost its great influence, although it is worth pointing out that even before the arrival of Catholic missionaries people did not just worship rocks and trees (uato no kai), but the Creator Deity Wula’Lara (known also as Ulu Lara). According to the traditional faith of the indigenous population, this deity created the world, placing certain people on earth in order to control (ei) and subdue (masi) the land. Before these chosen few arrived, people lived without rules and instructions (ikutame, garteme). Only after the Chosen Ones took control, codes of conduct and rituals for a social and moral order were established. The successors of the Chosen Ones, the clan of the Daralari, are responsible for the preservation of this order by following the holy (luli) norms and practices. These affect the interaction between clans and houses and determine/dictate rituals and social life. The rules associated with the founding fathers are deemed the holiest. After taking over the land they were in charge of naming hills, rocks, rivers, springs, woods and fields, and started making use of nature and its resources. This laid the foundation for their reciprocal relationship with the bu’u, who were the original land owners or watchmen inhabiting earth. The belief in the invisible world inhabited by different forms of the bu’u is still pervasive. According to traditional faith, the most powerful ones are the independent and untamed “owners” (of the land and its natural resources) capable of changing between animal and human form. They preside control natural processes and are able to influence mankind’s relationship with land. Neglecting the luli-system and ignoring its prohibitions could lead to negative consequences, at least according to the belief of many inhabitants. Diseases and death have been reported. To avoid these consequences, appease the bu’u and (re)gain access to natural resources, one has to turn to the elders for guidance and help, “following in the footsteps of the forefathers” by performing rituals, incantations and sacrifices. According to the belief, the spirits of the ancestors became one with nature. Locations believed to be gathering places are considered especially sacred. Because of their individual achievements several ancestors became an integral part of local legends. In some instances these achievements ranged from great sacrifices to death, some of which included the very first harvest, protecting the border and keeping the land safe from natural disasters. This relationship between the living and their ancestors is a reciprocal one. Rituals performed by the entire community and individual clans including incantations and sacrificial offerings for the ancestors are spread across the entire year.

Trans Section 11
Das heutige Land der Daralari ist auf ihre fünf Haupthäuser verteilt. Flüsse, Hügel und Felsen markieren die Grenzen. Es sind aber keine zusammenhängenden Territorien, sie spiegeln den traditionellen Wanderfeldbau wieder. Zugang erhält man aufgrund seiner Abstammung von den Gründerahnen. Für die weitere Nutzung müssen die Mitglieder der Häuser ihren rituellen und gesellschaftlichen Pflichten gegenüber den übergeordneten Häusern und den Ahnen nachkommen. Sonst droht der Zorn der Vorfahren in Form von Unglück, Krankheit oder Tod.

Beim „Rückzug in die Dunkelheit“ übertrugen die Daralari die Aufgabe, über die Nutzung von Land und natürliche Ressourcen zu wachen (lai bosa, lai wai – bewache die Felde, bewache das Wasser), auf ein untergeordnetes Haus (um kain) von Daralari, den Uma kabo. Später bat ein Kabo Rai, der Hauptvertreter des Uma kabo, den Bu Dato um ein Symbol für sein Amt. Deswegen wurde ihm ein Makaer Luli als Experte für Rituale zur Seite gestellt. Neben der Überwachung der Nutzung von Land und Wasser überwacht der Kabo Rai auch saisonale Ernteverbote bestimmter Produkte, sammelt Tribute für gemeinschaftliche Zeremonien ein und verhängt Strafen für die Missachtung von Regeln. Bei der praktischen Umsetzung der Aufgaben erhält er Unterstützung von den Vertretern zweier weiterer unterer Häuser von Daralari: Asu Rati Reino (wahrscheinlich von ajudante) und Asu Rati Liurai. Der Makaer Luli begleitet die Arbeit spirituell. Er leitet die Gemeinschaftsrituale, dient als Vermittler mit der Geisterwelt und wacht über die sakralen Gegenstände, die im heiligen Haus, dem Uma luli, von Borolalo aufbewahrt werden. An diesem Ort sollen die Ahnherren erstmals bei ihrer Ankunft vom Meer gesiedelt haben.

Trans Section 11
Nowadays, the land of the Daralari is shared among its five most powerful houses. Rivers, hills and rocks mark the boundaries. These territories are not interconnected, but mirror the traditional shifting land cultivation. Access to these territories is passed on from the founding ancestors to their direct descendants. In order to continue using the land, members of the houses have to keep their ritualistic and communal duties up. Otherwise, they risk provoking the wrath of the ancestors, which may bring misfortune, sickness or even death. By “passing over into the dark” the Daralari transferred the task of land cultivation as well as watching over natural resources (lai bosa, lai wai) to a subordinate house (um kain) of Daralari, the Uma kabo. At a later date, a Kabo Rai, a primary representative of the Uma kabo, asked the Bu Dato for a symbol of his power. In response, a Makaer Luli, an expert in rituals, was placed at his side. In addition to supervising land and water usage, the Kabo Rai also enforces seasonal harvesting restrictions on certain products, exacts tributes for community ceremonies, and imposes penalties for ignoring the rules. When implementing these tasks, he is assisted by representatives of two other subordinate houses of the Daralari: Asu Rati Reino and Asu Rati Liurai. The Makaer Luli accompanies the tasks spiritually. Not only is he the leader in community rituals, but also an intermediary capable of communicating with the spiritual realm, as well as a guardian of sacred relics kept in the sacred house, the Uma luli of Borolalo. This is the place where the ancestors are said to have settled first after their arrival from the sea.

Immigrants from Afaloicai
The most recent group of immigrants comes from neighbouring Afaloicai and arrived in Babulo in three successive waves. The oldest group from the Aldeias Buibela and Lena entered the Suco in the 1930s in the hope of finding land. It is highly likely that these were refugees of the conflict over the fall of the Afaloicai empire. According to local records, Liurai Gregorio from Lena reached Babulo just before the arrival of the Japanese (1942, cf. Battle of Timor). He arrived in Babulo sounding fanfares, drums and flutes and set up camp on sacred land (rea luli) near Baha Liurai. Shortly thereafter a sickness spread among the newcomers, which can be traced back to this breach of taboo. So Gregorio asked the Daralari for permission to settle within their Suco. Marriage consolidated this newly formed alliance and Gregorio, the new son-in-law, was permitted to enter a place known as Tua Rae Laleo (“shelter of palm wine leaves”). He and his people received farming land in the vicinity of Uato-Lari Leten and Kampung Baru. . As oa sae (giver of the bride) the family of Gregorio pledged to provide the Daralari with goods and services. But the Daralari point out that while Gregorio and his family merely have the rights to use the land, it is in fact still controlled by the “Lord of the Land”. After World War II the Portuguese pursued a policy of agricultural development in their colony. They ordered the village chiefs to organise teams to farm the land for the colonial government. As a result, a second wave of immigrants from Afaloicai and the area surrounding Mt. Matebian arrived in the Suco in the 1950s and 1960s, initially working as seasonal labourers on the rice fields constructed on the coastal plains of Uato-Lari. They too eventually settled permanently in the area. Many of them benefited from the family bonds they shared with those immigrants who had arrived and settled there earlier. The third wave of immigrants was forcefully relocated to Babulo by the Indonesians after the resistance base on the slopes of the Matebian was destroyed in 1979, forcing many civilians to submit to the invaders. In contrast to Burmeta and Laka Roma these new immigrants are not familiar with, or embedded in, traditional community structures. Instead they continue their own distinct hierarchies and clans. They are still frequently perceived as temporary co-inhabitants by the native population, as well as labelled “people using the land for agricultural and gardening purposes” at ceremonies and rituals.

History
When dealing with trans-regional conflicts, the complex system of clan alliances repeatedly lead to partisan fronts running between clans of the Suco and the entire administrative district of Uato-Lari. Thus the descendants of the Burmeta regard the ruling family of Afoloicai, the so-called Buibela/Lena, as their “younger siblings”. Some members of the ruling house, for example, benefited greatly from the Indonesian occupation (1975-1999), jumpstarting their political and economic careers on a local and national level. Some of them even took part in the Viqueque rebellion. Due to repeated eruptions of internal conflicts Uato-Lari is considered a trouble spot.

The last major insurrection against Portuguese colonial power was staged in 1959. This uprising even included the rulers of the Burmeta. After the insurrection had been suppressed, many Naueti lost their estate and cattle, which the Portuguese handed over to loyal Timorese, mostly Makasae. Supporters of the Timorese Democratic Union defeated by Fretilin during the civil war in August 1975 later became collaborators working with the Indonesians and saw their chance for revenge.

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Trans Section 18
After the 2007 parliamentary elections of East Timor had been held and Xanana Gusmão had assumed office, civil unrest erupted, instigated by supporters of the defeated Fretilin party. An unspecified number of people fled from their homes and made their way to Mount Babulo. Over 900 inhabitants of Uato-Laris took refuge in Uatucarbau, others in the town of Viqueque.

In early July 2010 flash floods destroyed 95 buildings in the town of Aliambata. Costodio Silveiro Fernandes, the Chefe de Suco, asked the government to relocate the people affected.

Politics
Mario Lisboa was elected Chefe de Suco in the 2004-2005 local elections in East Timor. He is from the Aldeia Cota Nisi. Just like in other parts of the country only representatives of the "leading lineage" were eligible for election as Chefe de Suco. Costodio Silveiro Fernandes won the 2009 local elections in East Timor. He is not a member of the traditional leading family. Mario Trindade from Aha B Uu Aldeia was elected Chefe de Suco in 2016.

Bei den Kommunalwahlen von 2004/2005 wurde Mario Lisboa zum Chefe de Suco gewählt. Er stammte aus der Aldeia Cota Nisi. Wie auch in anderen Teilen des Landes durften bei diesen Wahlen nur Vertreter der „Herrscherlinie“ als Chefe de Suco und Chefe de Aldeia kandidieren.

Bei den Kommunalwahlen 2009 gewann Costodio Silveiro Fernandes. Er gehörte nicht zur traditionellen Herrscherfamilie. 2016 wurde Mario Trindade aus der Aldeia Aha B Uu zum Chefe de Suco gewählt.

Aktion Mensch
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/User:Kanelboller05/AktionMensch

History
Hans Mohl (1928-1998), a ZDF journalist and long-time presenter of the ZDF show Gesundheitsmagazin Praxis (") (first aired on 3rd January 1964), founded the charitable organisation after the Contergan Scandal had inspired him to host a relief action. The sleeping pill had caused fetuses to develop birth defects. Subsequent public pressure resulted in Contergan being withdrawn from the market in 1961. From 1957 on, a total of 5000 Contergan children were born in West Germany. Extensive coverage in news media resulted in great public interest which permanently removed the taboo surrounding the issue of disability. Thus, disability was no longer considered merely a private or individual fate, but also a challenge for the whole community. The lottery was initiated by Mohl in order to improve the quality of life for disabled children.

ZDF supports this endeavour by regularly broadcasting TV shows promoting the association and conducting the lottery. The revenue helps finance projects and is augmented by charitable donations. The TV show Vergißmeinnicht ("forget-me-not"; hosted by Peter Frankenfeld) ran from 1964 to 1970, followed by the two successor formats Drei mal Neun ("three times nine"; from 1970 to 1974) and Der Große Preis ("Grand Prix"; from 1974 to 1993, both hosted by Wim Thoelke). All shows were a success during this period. But when Der Große Preis failed to arouse public interest with new hosts after Thoelke’s departure in late 1992 the show was ultimately cancelled at the end of 1993. Follow-up formats such as Goldmillion (1995), Das Große Los ("The Jackpot"; from 1996 to 2000), Jede Sekunde zählt ("every second counts"; from 2000 to 2001) and once again Der Große Preis (from 2002 to mid-2003) also failed to repeat the success of previous years and were removed from the broadcast schedule before long. Thomas Gottschalk became involved with Aktion Mensch in October 2003. From January 2012, acting as the new volunteer “ambassador”, Jörg Pilawa announced the lottery winners on ZDF until Rudi Cerne took over in January 2014.

The association’s perspective on disability changed drastically during its Respect-Campaign in 1995: People with a disability were no longer presented as pitiful beneficiaries of charity, but became confident individuals willing to represent their campaign. The main objective was to kick-start a shift in community awareness regarding disability. For this reason, the association’s statutes were expanded to include “clarification” among its most important goals in 1997. Everyone agreed that supporting projects wasn’t enough to raise public awareness of the issue of disability and to trigger general re-evaluation. New campaigns as well as accessible information and a comprehensive message were necessary to gain public attention and reach a larger target audience. The primary purpose was to bridge the gap between their beneficiaries and the audience to strengthen not just tolerance, but the feeling of community.

In 1999, the annual general meeting decided to rename the association “Aktion Mensch”, taking effect on 1st March 2000. This new name was intended to symbolise not only the expanded range of tasks, but also the change in public perspective when dealing with disabled people. On 1st January 2003, the association launched its newly prioritised welfare service for children and teenagers, supporting more than 120 projects with roughly 12 million euros in its initial year. This was planned as a long-term commitment, as young people face increasing difficulties when trying to organise their own lives, whether they are handicapped or not. Furthermore, children’s and young people's welfare service providers don’t have the necessary means to offer adequate programs. In 2014, Aktion Mensch celebrated its 50th anniversary with the slogan “Much achieved, but more to come”, hosting numerous events.

Familienratgeber - Family Advice
The association offers a regularly updated network of more than 160 partners in care services for disabled people and their relatives, unique in Germany, on its website Familienratgeber.de. It covers a wide range of topics that are of importance for people with disabilities who desire to participate independently and self-reliantly in their community. Local contacts can be looked up in a central address data base comprising over 25,000 addresses nationally. In addition, users have the possibility to share their experiences in various forums.

Data Base of Volunteers
The association’s data base of volunteers is the largest and most comprehensive accumulation of voluntary and unpaid charity work, offering more than 10,000 services. This platform gives welfare organizations the opportunity to not only introduce their members to the people in need of help, but also to explain the reasons for their dedication. Local associates and network partners ensure that the services offered nationwide are of the highest quality and that the data used is revised on a regular basis, guaranteeing a list of providers which is always up-to-date.

People – The Magazine/Show
Since 2004 the association has been publishing the periodical "People – The Magazine" every three months. It includes reports, features, biographies and interviews pertaining to issues of inclusion, disability care and self-care, children’s aid and welfare service for teenagers. Enhanced online content offering additional information, photos and videos was introduced with the first issue of 2014. Most online articles are made available in plain language and for every article there is an audio version. A ZDF show of the same name first aired in 2003, promoting the ideas and problems outlined in the journal, succeeding previous formats such as The Great Aid (from 1976 to 1995) and Partake (from 1994 to 2002) and was hosted by Stephan Greulich and Bettina Eistel, who left in 2007 and 2014 respectively. As of 6 September 2014 the show has been hosted by Sandra Olbrich and broadcast on Saturdays at 5.45 p.m..

Further Services
The online education service is a research pool of the association’s collection of materials pertaining to education: A search form guides users to free work materials and general information on various topics, all of which can also be downloaded.

Landesjugendorchester Baden-Württemberg
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/User:Vergil70/Landesjugendorchester_Baden-W%C3%BCrttemberg

History/Structure of the LJO
The Landesjugendorchester Baden-Württemberg (Youth Orchestra of Baden-Wuerttemberg, LJO) was founded in 1972 by Klaus Matakas and Dietmar Mantel. They put together an ensemble of young musicians who at that time had already been playing in the symphony orchestra of the music school of Lahr, appointing Christoph Wyneken as conductor. Wyneken has been heading the orchestra as artistic director ever since. Shortly thereafter, a hand-picked selection of musicians as well as “Jugend musiziert” (Teenagers performing Classical Music)laureates from all over Baden-Wuerttemberg handed in their applications. There are numerous partnerships with other German orchestras. On 7 November 2005, for instance, on occasion of the joint initiative of the Association of German Orchestras, the German Jeunesses Musicales and the Association of German Conservatoires, the Stuttgart State Orchestra and the Youth Orchestra of Baden-Wuerttemberg launched the "tutti pro" orchestra partnership. Other partnerships were formed during concert tours abroad.

Audition
Auditions usually take place once a year in the Stuttgart area, giving musicians opportunity to showcase their talent and skills. The audition panel comprises creative advisors and tutors of the instrument. Audition dates are announced on the official website of the Youth Orchestra of Baden-Wuerttemberg. Once the date has been set and made public, musicians interested in participating can register and choose the most convenient date from a list of possible audition dates. The orchestral audition sets out a ten-minute performance. The applicant is expected to prepare and play orchestral excerpts and a fast and slow movement  free of choice, but usually encompassing two periods of classical music. If the participant is successful in passing the audition, he or she becomes part of the orchestra pool and may be selected for upcoming rehearsals and concerts.

Celebrating the 200th Anniversary of the Independence of Ecuador
From September 1 to 18 2009, the Youth Orchestra of Baden-Wuerttemberg, boasting an ensemble of 45 musicians, performed a total of fifteen concerts, all under the leadership of its artistic director Christoph Wyneken. The orchestra also hosted a number of workshops and meet-and-greet events with Ecuadorian school children. After meeting with its fellow orchestra "Orquestra Sinfónica Juvenil de Guayaquil” in Guayaquil, the Youth Orchestra of Baden-Wuerttemberg performed a joint concert alongside its Ecuadorian counterpart, playing the first movement of Ludwig van Beethoven’s Symphony No. 5.

Financing
The Youth Orchestra of Baden-Wuerttemberg boasts an enormous host of supporters and sponsors including the federal state of Baden-Wuerttemberg, the association of savings banks of Baden-Wuerttemberg, the regional association of music schools of Baden-Wuerttemberg and the Stuttgart State Orchestra. Concert revenue constitutes another major source of income. The sponsorship association and the Foundation of the Youth Orchestra of Baden-Wuerttemberg provide additional financial backing, as well as the revenue generated by the sales of CDs, DVDs and programme booklets.