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Land O' Lakes Statement
Two major documents were released by the Second Vatican Council which were seen as having a direct influence on Catholic higher education procedures. On October 28, 1965 the Vatican II document on Catholic education Gravissimum educationis was released. It stated "The Church is concerned also with schools of a higher level, especially colleges and universities. In those schools dependent on her she intends that by their very constitution individual subjects be pursued according to their own principles, method, and liberty of scientific inquiry..." Later that same year, on December 7, Gaudium et spes was released, stating "In order that they may fulfill their function, let it be recognized that all the faithful, whether clerics or laity, possess a lawful freedom of inquiry, freedom of thought and of expressing their mind with humility and fortitude in those matters on which they enjoy competence."

How Catholic colleges and universities should proceed in light of the new documents put forth by Vatican II was taken up by the International Federation of Catholic Universities. They worked on the issue from 1965 to 1972. At a 1965 meeting in Japan it was decided that regional meetings would be held to gather comments on what was seen as the defining characteristics of Catholic post-secondary education. It was hoped that a merging of these statements would produce a document that would parallel Gaudium et spes in the sense that it would explain the role of the Catholic University in the modern world.

The first of these meeting was convened Father Theodore Hesburgh CSC, president of Notre Dame and of the IFCU, at Land-O-Lakes, Wisconsin (the location lending its name to the resulting document).

Handbook of Research on Catholic Higher Education edited by Thomas C. Hunt

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During the nineteenth century over a hundred colleges and universities had been built by the Catholic Church in the United States of America. There often did not appear to be an overall plan to this building as historian Patrick Allitt states, for "Rival orders of priests and sisters often sited several in the same area so that they competed for the limited pool of Catholic students and staggered along from one financial crisis to the next. Bankruptcies and closings where common."

In 1955 the Catholic historian Msgr. John Tracy Ellis caused a controversy by complaining that intellectual standards at these schools was low. He also asserted that the education offered "was defensive, censorious, distracted by sports, and hamstrung by Vatican censorship." He stressed that it was not a problem inflicted by Protestants but had arisen within American Catholicism.

In 1965 the Second Vatican Council took up an examination of Catholic education among its many other concerns. That same year the lay professors at St. John's University in New York (run by the Vincentian order) went on strike demanding aspects found in secular universities including academic freedom, a structured tenure system, and comparable wages. The strikers were given support from educators across America which helped the strike be successful.

The success of the strike was noted by Administrators of other Catholic colleges in America. Father Theodore Hesburgh, the president of Notre Dame, arranged for his school to be taken out of the control of the Holy Cross Fathers and put under a board of lay trustees.

Many other schools followed suit after a conference to discuss the process, chaired by Hesburgh, at Land o' Lakes, Wisconsin, in 1967.

Religion in America Since 1945: A History By Patrick Allitt

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Ellis "as professor of church history at The Catholic University of America in Washington and managing editor of The Catholic Historical Review" http://americamagazine.org/node/148658

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Past

The truth is that concerns about secularization and status surrounded the earliest Catholic colleges. Patterned on the sixteenth century Jesuit plan of study, Ration Studiorum, the curriculum at Georgetown, founded in 1789, the first Catholic College in the country, was comprised of three successive stages: humanistic, philosophical, and theological. Students were required to develop the ability to speak Latin fluently and "with persuasive power" as it was a practical necessity for advancement in lay, as well as clerical, careers. But even in these early days, the stress on philosophy and the classical languages including Greek and Latin was viewed dismissively by secular academic leaders. In his book on the history of Catholic colleges, Philip Gleason recalls that in 1896, the President of Harvard, Charles W. Eliot, publicly humiliated Catholic colleges by publishing an article in Atlantic Monthly that compared the Catholic college curriculum to the most backward educational system of the Moslem countries: "where the Koran prescribes the perfect education, to be administered to all children alike." Eliot complained that in this type of education, "the only mental power cultivated is the memory." Having instituted a system of electives at Harvard more than a decade before, Eliot was especially critical of the "uniform education found in the curriculum of the Jesuit colleges, which has remained almost unchanged for four hundred years, disregarding some trifling concessions made to natural science." And, in a mocking attack on Catholicism, Eliot concludes: "That these examples are ecclesiastic is not without significance...Direct revelation from on high would be the only satisfactory basis for a uniform, prescribed school curriculum."

the sentiments it contained were part of a common response from secular academic leaders. What was somewhat more surprising was the attack on Catholic colleges from Catholic college leaders themselves. Even today assessing the progress of Catholic colleges, Rev. Theodore Hesburgh, President Emeritus of the University of Notre Dame, acknowledges that while some truly great Catholic university, recognized universally as such." While Fr. Hesburgh, who stepped down in 1987 after thirty-five years as head of Notre Dame, acknowledges that although some Catholic colleges have made progress, "one would have hoped that history would have been different when one consider the Church's early role in the founding of the first great universities in the Middle Ages: Paris, Oxford, Cambridge, Bologna, and others."

Eliot was critical of the Catholic college plan of study but: Fr. Hesburgh is most critical of the Catholic college's historic relationship to the Church itself. In Fr. Hesburgh's opinion, the early European universities in the Middle Ages were great because they encouraged a culture of freedom and independence from the state as well as from the authority of the Catholic Church. Claiming that, unlike America Catholic universities, these early colleges provided "an atmosphere of free and often turbulent clashing of conflicting ideas, where a scholar with a new idea theological, philosophical, legal, or scientific, had to defend it in the company peers, without interference from pressures and powers that neither create nor validate intellectual activities." In Hesburgh's book, "The Challenge and Promise of the Catholic University", the theme of independence form the "external authority" of the Church is clear. For Hesburgh, "The best and only traditional authority in the university is intellectual competence...It was great wisdom in the medieval church to have university theologians judged solely by their theological peers in the university...A great Catholic university must begin by being a great university that is also Catholic."

a "great university" that happens to be Catholic

One of the ways in which Catholic college faculty and administrators have achieved higher status has been to take the route chosen by Fr. Hesburgh -- by publicly embracing the social gospel on civil rights and social justice and by distancing themselves from those teachings less acceptable to the liberal establishment on sexual morality and reproductive rights. But this distancing was not always the case.

Long before Fr. Hesburgh became the authoirty on Catholic higher education, the founders of the earliest Catholic colleges were not willing to disregard the moral underpinnings of the Church achieve higher status. In fact, in their founding years, the primary aim of Catholic colleges was to keep the faith alive and spread the faith to others. Not unlike the founding mission of Harvard, Yale, and Princeton, the basic purpose fo the first Catholic colleges included preparing young men for the clergy, creating centers for missionary activity, and cultivating the moral virues. It was not that the earliest Catholic colleges were unconcerned about academic excellence, it was just that the intellectual life of the university was always assumed to be connected to the moral mission of the university.

Althought the founding purpose of Catholic colleges did not differ significantly form the earliest American colleges, indluding Harvard, Yale, Dartmouth, Williams, and Bowdoin (all founded before 1800 by the Congregationalists) historians maintain that there were essential differences in structure and curriculum. While other American colleges followed the English model, which separated secondary and collegiate work, the Catholic college adhered to the French and German models that combined secondary school and college. Strongly Jesuit, this model promoted the basic purpose of Catholc higher education. In terms of status, however, such a model was "so definitely out of date as to mark such places as behind the times and academically inferior."

In an attempt to address these issues of inferiority, the CAhtolic University of America was founded in 1889 to serve as a national center for scholarship, teaching, research, and the integration of faith and science. Yet, from the outset, political turmoil and conflict overshadowed the university. Most historians maintain that the main cause for the division related to the tension within the Chuch over issues of Americanism and modernism. Americanism, one of the ermerging strains fo intellectual thought at this time, suggested that the Chruch should accept the best of modern thinking, integrate it with traditional belife, and use the newly constructed belief system for the Church's evangelical mission. Modernism attempted to examine philosophy, theology, nad biblical exegesis in light of modern thought and research. The Church rejected both Americanism and modernism and in some ways "galvanized American Catholic higher education around a new unifying purpose: the promotion of Scholasticism and the formulation of an American Catholic cultre as an antidote to modernism."

Scholasticism provided a synthesis of faith and reason that made Catholic education distinctive.

Catholic University dedicated a School of Philsophy to Aquinas in 1895 in the midst of the high point of the Catholic Scholasticism. And, even today, orthodox Catholic colleges like Thomas Aquinas College in Santa Paula, California draw from Scholasticism to inform their classic curriculum.

sturctural differences followed philosophical differences between secular and sectarian colleges as the early model of Catholic higher education rejected the idea of electives, claiming that a Scholastic classical education stressing philosophy was the only path to excellence. However, the pressure to conform to the demands of secular accrediting agencies and secular graduate schools became intense at the turn of the century. By 1898, Presiden Eliot's Harvard dropped several Catholic schools from its approved list of institutions whose graduates could be admitted to its law school without taking an entrance examination. Boston College and Holy Cross were among the schools affected. Cathlic colleges continued to decline in pulbic esteem, even among Catholics, while the world of secondary and higher education was becoming transformed. A major reason for this was due to the fact that by the mid-1890s, Harvard's entrance requirements began to be expressed in "points" and the New York Regents began using "academic counts" about the same time. "Unit" became the standard term for high school and colleg requirements after it was adopted by the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, which was established in 1905. Carnegie exerted a powerful influence on colleges and universities by refusing to extend funding through its grants program to Catholic colleges since they did not meet its standards by using "units."

The shift to quantitative standards rather than qualitiative measures of a student's academic progress prevalent in Catholic colleges was promoted also by the regional accrediting agencies. The North Central Association of colleges and Secondary Schools as well as accrediting agencies in New England, the Middle Atlantic States, and the South concerned themselves with the problem of articulation between secondary and collegiate institution. In 1901, North Central created a Commission on Accredited Schools, and by 1913 the machinery of accreditation had become bureaucratized and the standards heavily quanitified. All of this forced Catholic colleges to rationaize and coordinate their edcuational operations. Although hgh schools began to be separated ou as a distinct institutional stage before Catholci colleges could achieve parity with their secular counterparts, the far greater change in Catholic hihger education was the restructuring of the curriculum to allow electives. AT one of the first meetings of the newly created Catholic Educational Association, Notre Dame graduate Fr. James Burns, a member of the Congregation of the Holy Cross, echoed Harvards accusaion that "Catholci colleges, in their adamant resistance to the system of electives, were in the company of hte nation's most backward institutions of higher education." By 1919, Fr. Burns moved to the presidency of Notre Dame where in a single three-year term, he is viewed by Gleason as "guiding an academic revolution that put the univeristy ont he path to pre-eminence." The cost of that pre-eminence was the adoption of the elective system and the beginning of the abandongment of the Scholastic classical emphasis. The Jesuists were resistant to moving to the elective system but allowed each province to adapt their curriculum to local conditions. Ironically, unlike today's strong liberal leanings, the Jesuits affiliated with Cathlic higher education in the 1800s and early 1900s were alighted with the conservatives in the Chruch, while Catholic Universty and the other non-Jesuit schools were viewed as "bastions of Americanist liberalism." Not surprsingly,eventually it was status concerns that brought the Jesuists closer to the American model as "the Jeusits leaders belatedly awoke to the relization that, in terms of true collegians, their schools ere in most case well nigh deserted."

Concerns about seularization and loss of identity re-emerged, however, as one of the speakers at the meetings of the Catholic Educational Association lamented that to most Catholics, scholastic philosophy had become a name and nothing more. By 1926, the Association of Catholic Colleges was so concerned about the loss of a Catholic idnetity that the gorup called for a revitalization of Scholastic philsophy as the means to reinforce Catholic religious identity. The association was especially concerned that colleges were beginning to move away from their Catholci roots by engaging too much with the modern world. One of those with the most public concerns was Notre dAme's own Fr. Burns. Considering the leading role he played in encouraging upward moblitly throlugh the movement of modernizaiton, the abrupt turnaround by Fr. Burns is fo particular interst to historians. Gleason points out that "writing in 1926, Fr. Burns revealed his concern that having adopted the ideals of the big secular colleges in almost all matters outside religion, Catholcis wer in danger of losing their distinctive insight or instinct as to the fundamental character of higher cultural education."

In a two-part article on the triumphs and failures of Catholic colleges published in the Catholic journal Commonweal, Fr. burns described what he saw as the over-emphasis on the social aspect of Catholic college life and warned against the application of materialism. But, most surprising to historians like Gleason was Fr. Burns' newly discovered appreciation for the importance of classical studies as the best curricular means of preserving the cultural goals of a Catholic college education. Concerned about the impending slide to seularization, Burns recalled that, "In Scholasticism, the medieval universities had produced a philosophical justification for fiath and a defense against skepticism taht dominated higher eduation for as logn as Europe was Catholic. Its displacement paved the way for educational trends that were gravely at variance with Catholic principles of life and morality."

Gleason view the "recovered" scholastic, Fr. Burns, as "coming closer than any of his contemporaries to providing an explicit articulation of the systemic relationship that evolved in the 1920s betweent he Catholic intellectual revial and Catholci higher education." So great was its influence that, by 1930, it had become commonplace for CAtholic educatior to stress the ideological function of Scholasticism and its role in providing a rational justification for faith. And, as a result there were the beginnigns of what Gleason calls a "Catholic Renaissance" as Scholasticism once again became regarded as providing the rational ground for faith -- and eduation was the means to the end -- for Catholics that end is the salvation of souls. The role of philsophy was to "guide the students in the right way of thinking about the turths necesary to reach that end." Theology or religious studies, on the other hand, had not yet achieved the status of a full-fledged academic subject. In fact, until the middle of the twntieth century, the purpose of theology wa as an aid in spiritual formation for students through prayer and devotional practieces. All of this was viewed as much more important than intellecutla mastery of doctrine -- and in stark contrast to today's critical and comparative perspective in most Catholic college theolgoy departments. While there wer course in "apologetics" or "evidence of Christianity" the real goal of theology throughout the first half of the 190s was to help students integrate their lives around identification with Christ.

While some historians view the period form 1920 to 1960 as "the hey-day of the institutional Church" for its numerical growth, organizational vigor, and spiritual vitality -- including movements for workers and the poor -- other historians point to signs of trouble on these campuses. In 1934 Xavier and University of Detroit both lost their accreditation and although the Jesusits protested against the NOrth Central accrediting body for their decision, status concerns continued to mount, and Catholic colleges attempted to gain upward mobility by adding graduate programs.

By 1940, twenty-four Catholic institutions enrolled a total of 7,258 graduate students. World War II had an even greater impact ont he institutional side of Catholic higher education as teh reuirements of a wartime mobilization dicatated concentration on a scientifc and technical education. Electives continued to be added as philsophy declined. At the same time, "the triumph of totalitariansim in Europe confirmed the need for humanistic education that would deepen in young Americans an understanding of, and respect for, the intellectual and moral traditions on which western civilization rested." These led to a growing interest and attraction to the liberal arts and what came to be called "general eduation" on all campuses. AS might be expected, upwardly mobile Catholic campuses became attracted to the argument put forward in the 1947 Harvard Report: General Education in a Free Society. The dean at Catholic Univeristy called for "a redefintion of the aims and methods of liberal arts education," hinging broadly that such a statement should take realistic note of the fact that young people had to prepare themselves for gainful employment--beyond the clergy.

The commitment to Scholasticism once again began to lose favor as anti-Catholic sentiments grew throughout the 1950s. Gleason believes that such sentiments were best understood as a "backlash against what was regarded as undue Catholic influence in politics, public morality, and general social policy." By 1955, with the publication of Monsignor Ellis' essay on the inferiority of Catholic colleges, there was a renewed focus on the failure of Catholics to contribute to American intellectual life. And, in 1958, the decision was finally made to remove the course of studies in Latin at Boston College, and permission was given by Jesuit Provincials to eliminate the classical language requirement in any of the twenty-seven Jesuit colleges and universities that thought it best. This ended the last vestige of the classical tradition that defined Catholic colleges.

By the end of the decade of the fifties, Scholasticism had been so thoroughly discredited on Catholic campuses that any academic who dared "speak its name" risked ridicule. In fact, the chairman of DePaul University's philosophy department made Time magazine by deriding "the closed system of Thomists who still shadowbox the ghosts of the 13th century." It is possible that Scholasticism itself became a casualty of the pursuit of upward mobility as even Gleason suggests that "a too exclusive emphasis on Thomism could still count heavily against a Cathlic institution seeking approval for a chapter of Phi Beta Kappa. Notoriously biased against Catholic applications, Phi Beta Kappa gave the "disproportionate place of philsophy, which effectively reduced the number of electives students might take, as grounds for turning down Boston College for membership as late as 1962. It is also possible that Scholasticism became an inconvenient reminder of moral absolutes in an emerging sixties culture of tolerance for diverity in lifestyle and a growing cultral relativism. As the new decade dawned, Scholasticism became more inconvenient than ever because it provided an embarassing reminder of what increasingly became viewed as provincial Catholic teachings on sexual morality.

Upward mobility and status concerns began to affect individual CAtholics. By the early sixties, the Catholic Chuch was no longer predominatnly an immigrant Church -- and Catholicism began to contain diverse social classes. While Catholics still remained underrpresented in top business and professional jobs, theyoccupied many of the same occupations as Protestants. For the newly middle-class Catholics..the Church in general and Catholic education in particular had been vehicles of Americanization and upward mobility.Sociologists Christopher Jencks and David Riesman pointed out that "a Catholic elite began to emerge that was American first and Catholic second." Anti-comunism in the fifties had given Catholics an evil to defeat--and an opportuinity to show they were real Americans. While Hungarian, Polish, and German Catholics may have been anti-communist becaue of what they had experienced in their homelands, Jencks and Riesman wrote in 1968 in The Academic Revolution, "the Irish Catholics seemed more often to be anti-communist because it was a useful club with which to beat the Anglo-American Establishment, made up of men like Acheson, Marshall, and Hiss." Indeed, Daniel. Moynihan suggested that "anti-communism gave the Fordham men in the FBI a chance to get even with the Harvard men in the State Department and the White House."

Once they had established their American credentials, the next generation was ready to move on. Indeed, Gleason points to a "perfect storm" in the sixties of academic, social and Church currents that rocked Catholic colleges. "The priority of individual conscience over the law diffused itself...Catholics may have been particularly susceptible to the message because of the modernizing trends at the Second Vatican Council. It legitimated change, it reinforced assimilative tendencies, with its emphasis on religious freedom, collegiality, ecumenisim, pastoral approaches and openness to the modern world." These changes intersected with faculty demands for academic freedom, fewer clergy and women religous groups on campus, coeducation, more faculty, and student participation in university governance, growing liberation movements on campus and off, and the complete abandonment of the Scholastic approach. While Catholic colleges had been accused of being "too Catholic" in the fifties the charge in the sixties and beyond was that the institutions were not Catholic enough.

In 1967 Gleason's "perfect storm" reached maximum strenght at the meeting of Catholic academic leaders in Land O' Lakes, Wisconsin where a crucial statement on the nature of the Catholic University emerged. The opening paragraph of the 1500-word statement began: "To perform its teaching and research function effectively the Catholic university must have a true autonomy and academic freedom in the face of authority of whatever kind, lay or clerical, external to the academic community itself."

While liberal academics, like Holy Cross College historian David O'Brien, nostalgically look back on the Land O' Lakes gathering with great fondness -- a kind of "Catholic Woodstock" for professors and administrtors anticipating independence from the authority of the Church -- Gleason described the Land O' Lakes statemetn a "symbolic manifesto" that marked a new ear in Catholic higher education. Within the next few years most Catholic colleges moved to laicize their boards of trustees. Some colleges went even further. Manhattanville promptly dropped part of their name, deleting the now too-Catholic sounding "College of the Sacred Heart." Webster, under the direction of the Sisters of Loretto, was not only the earliest Catholic college to announce that it was choosing to relingquish its Catholicidentity, its president, Sister Jacqueline Grennan, S.L., renounced her relgigious vows and withdrew from her own religious order to become a lay leader so that shee too could function as president of the now secular intitution "withot the embarrassment of being suject to religious obedience." Described as "the media's favorite new nun," and by Jencks and Riesman as belonging to the "unussually magnanimous Sisters of Loretto," Grennan pronounced that "the very nature of higher education is opposed to juridical control by the Church."

Indeed, concerns about upward mobibilty were so high during the sixties and seventies that any hint of obedience to the authority of the Church became an embarrassment. And although may of the Jesuit colleges and, of course, Notre Dame, maintained that members of their founding religious orders would continue to hold the office of the presicent of what became increasingly secular institutions, many of those colleges that had been founded by women from religious congregations were more than eager to turn the leadership over to lay leaders as women's colleges increasingly merged with men's and co-education became the norm. Having abandoned their earlier preoccupation with integrating the curriculum around a core of philosophy and theology, Catholic colleges entered the final decades of the twentieth century by devoting themselves to the pursuit of academic excellence. Unfortunately, as Gleason points out, "excellence" became increasingly defined as the way things were done at Harvard. This was a fateful decision for Catholic higher education.

David J. O'Brien "From the Heart of the American Curch: Catholic Education and American Culture

Philip Gleason "Contending With MOdernity; Catholic HIgher Education in the Twentieth Century

James Turnstead Burtchaell "The Dying of the Light"

Theodore M. Hesburgh, ed. "The Cahlene and Promise of a Catholic University"

The Rockefeller Foundation remains one of the top ten US funders of population, reproductive health, and reproductive rights work throughout the world. Concentrating on international intitiatives that focus on contraception, abortifacients, sterilization, and abortion legalization -- all counter to the teaching fo the CAtholic Churc, the Rockefeller Foundation, under the leadership of Fr. Hesburgh and beyond, has attempted to change the moral and religous values and practices fo people, especially Catholic people, throughout the world.

E.J. Power "A History of Catholic Higher Education it the United STates."

Patricia Hutchison "The PUrposes of American CAtholic HIgher Education: Changes and Challenges."

George Marsden, "the Soul of the American University: From Protestant Establishment to Established Non-Belief"

National Catholic REporter "Scholar traces history of CAtholic identity of Universities" CNS 2005 (online)

ndrew Greeley and Peter Rossi "The Education of CAtholic Americans"

Christopher Jencks and DAvid Riesman "The Academic REvolution"

Modern More on Land o Lakes
The debate over the perceived absence of Catholic intellectualism dominated discussions among Catholic faculty and administrators on Catholic campuses for decades, and in some important ways the sentiments contained in the Ellis essay are disputed even today. Still reeling from the accusations of mediocrity and moralism, and working through a defensiveness that characterized campus conversations following the essay's publication, the sense of faculty inferiority was gradually replaced by feelings of anger and resentment that now permeates the faculty culture on many Catholic campuses. Faculty are reminded of the perceived inferiority of Catholic colleges and universities each year when the U.S. News and World Report surveys on higher education include few of the 224 Catholic colleges and universities on their list of the top schools in the country with only Notre Dame in the top twenty and only Georgetown and Boston College included in the top fifty in 2006. The prestigious Fisk Guide to Colleges contains only a handful of Catholic colleges on its listing of the "Best 300" colleges in the country; and while the ISI Guide to Choosing the Right College lists a few more Catholic colleges, there are qualifiers and warnings about he loss of Catholic identity on most.

Notre Dame's recently retired president, Fr. Edward Malloy, had been a longtime critic of Church interference in university goernance. But, faithful Catholic supporters of Notre Dame were encouraged when Fr. Malloy's sucessor, fr. John Jenkings, seemed willing to confront the anti-Cathlic cultre growing on campus when he expressed uneasiness with the annual campu production of The Vagina Monologues, and the celebration of the NOtre Dame Queer Film Festiveal. ...Fr. Jenkins invited "dialogue" from the Notre Dame community to help him make his final decision on whether these events should continue on the Catholic campus.

Notre Dame is described as the "Land O' Lapsed" to refer to the undermining of the Catholic identity of the school in 1967, when Catholic college and university officials gathered at Notre Dame's retreat in Land O' Lakes, Wisconsin and decided that the Catholic identity of their schools was a liability in achieving upward mobility in an increasingly secular age.

Status Envy: The Politics of Catholic Higher Education By Anne Hendershott

athens coup
With Alcibiades' promises the oligarchs persuaded the assembly to turn all power over to a group of 400 men. These were to choose 5,000 to create the ultimate governing body of Athens but instead the 400 kept all power in their own hands. Factional in-fighting within the 400 began soon after they gained power.

The Athenian naval fleet was at Samos, a loyal ally to democratic Athens. Upon learning of the change the crews of the ships threatened to sail to Athens immediately to restore the democracy by force.

In response to the threat the oligarchs created a mixed government with democratic and oligarchic elements under the Constitution of the Five Thousand. This was praised by Thucydides as "the best form of government that the Athenians had known, at least in my time."

In hopes of improving military leadership the 5,000 voted to recall exiles including Alcibiades. With Alcibiades as one of its commanders the Athenian fleet won a significant victory over the Spartans in 410 at Cyzicus.

After the victory the pro-democratic sailors of the fleet demanded the full restoration of Athenian democracy. Due to this the Athenian government returned to the form and membership it had before the coup. With the fleets restoratin of the grain routes and success in compeling some of the previous rebellious allies to return to the alliance, the restored government rejected Spartans offer of peace.

This would later prove to be overconfidence as the Spartans were able to secure Persian funds against Athens.

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Most Athenians of the upper class accepted the democracy either vying for leadership within it or standing aloof from politics, although almost all leading Athenian politicans until the Peloponnessian War were of noble birth.

oligarchy, the most common form of government among the Greeks

Greek tradition, after all, was overwhelmingly aristocratic.

Homer...presented a wrold whose values were entirely aristocratic. It was for the nobles to make decisions and give orders and for the commoners to know their place and obey.

The poems of Theognis of Megara reflected the bitterness of aristorcrats whose world was overthrown by the political and social upheavels of the sixth century, and his words and ideas were remembered and had a powerful influence on enemies of democracy well into the fourth century, when they were quoted with approval by Plato. Theognis divided mankind into two distinct types: the good and noble and the bad and base. The distinction is based on birth and establishes a clear and firm tie between social status and virtue. The noble alone possesses judgment (gnome) and reverence (aidos); therefore, the noble alone is capable of moderation, restraint, and justice. These are qualities enjoyed by few, and the many who are without them, who lack judgement and reverence, are necessarily shameless and arrogant. The good quailites, morever, are acquired by birth; they cannot be taught: "It is easier to beget and rear a man than to put good sense into him. No one has ever discovered a way to make a fool wise or a bad man good. ...If thought could be made and put into a man, the son of a good man would never become bad since he would obey good counsel. But you will never make the bad man good by teaching."

The Theban poet Pindar...must have exercised an even greater influence on the Athenian upper classes. He lived past the middle of the fifth century, and his odes clebrate the athletic triumphs in the games that were so important in aristocratic culture. His message was much the same as that of Theognis: the nobly born were inherently superior to the mass of people intellectually and morally, and the difference could not be erased by education. ...The capacity for understanding is innate. Only the natively wise can comprehend his poetry and other important things..."The wise man knows many things in his blood; the vulgar are taught. They will say anything. They clatter vainly like crows against the sacred bird of Zeus." The implication of these beliefs is that democracy is, athe the very least, unwise. To some, it would have seemed unfair and immoral as well.

In the fourth century, Plato and Aristotle must have been repeating old complaints when they pointed out the unfairness of democracy: "it distributes a sort of equality to equal and unequal alike"[Plato, Republic 558C]; democratic justice is "the enjoyment of arithmetical equality, and not the enjoyment of proportionate equality on the basis of merit."[Aristotle, Politics 1317b] These views, appearing in philsophical works of the fourth century, show that the old idea of the natural and permanent separation between the deserving and undeserving classes distingquished by Theognis and Pindar lasted through and beyond the war.

[The author of a pamplet called the Athenian Constitution writen around 420BCE by an unknown author reffered to as "The Old Oligarch" shows that] similar feelings existed during the war. ..."As for the constitution of the Athenians, I do not praise them for having chosen it, because in choosing it they have given the better of it to the vulgar people (poneroi) rather than to the good (chrestoi)." They use the lot for positions that are safe and pay a salary but leave the dangerous jobs of generals and commanders of the cavalry to election and "the best qualified men." [rather than emphazing noble birth like his predecessors]the importance of money in shaping morality and political competence was emphasized by the author of the Athenian Constittuion:"In every country the aristocracy is contrasted to the democracy, there being in the best people the least licentiousness and iniquity, but the keenest eyes for morals; in the people on the other hand, we find a very high degree of ignorance, disorder, and vileness; for poverty more and more leads them in the direction of bad morals, thus also the absence of education and in the case of some persons the ignorance that is due to the want of money."

...the author and men of his class had thought carefully about what a good constitution, in contrast to democracy, would be. What they wanted was eunomia, the name Tyrtaeus had given to the Spartan constitution and that Pindar had applied to the oligarchy of Corinth. In such a constitution the best and most qualified men will make the laws. The good men (chrestoi) will punish the bad (poneroi); only the chrestoi will deliberate about public affairs, "and they will not allow madmen to sit in the council or speak in the assembly. But as a result of these good measures the people would, of course, fall into servitued."

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The Athenian response to rebellion in the empire had been remarkably successful and seemed to be on the point of stamping it out entirely. Had the Athenian forces been able to recover Miletus and Chios, the Persians might well have deiced that the reports of Athens' imminent demise had been greatly exaggerated and withdrawn their support from the Peloponnesians, putting an end to Sparta's Aegean adventure and the threat to the Athenian Empire.

That opportunity, however, had been lost as a result of Phrynichus' decision at Miletus. Instead, the rebellion had spread to the Hellespont and threatened the Athenian lifeline. The emergency reserve fund was gone, and the treasury was empty.

Tissaphernes had healed the breach with the Spartans and promised to bring the Phoenician fleet into action against the Athenians. Fianally, the Spartans had gained a foothold on the Hellespont and treatned to cut Athens' supply lines and win the war.

The installation of probouloi in 413 had already changed the democratic constituion to a degree.

In the face of these difficulties and dangers, it would not be surprising to find many Athenians in favor of further change in the domestic situation, some curailment of democratic practies, a more efficient arrangment, an perhaps even a change of regime.

There was every reason, even for loyal democrats, to favor some limitation on te democracy, and this was even truer for its enemies.

more on athenian coup
Alcibiades' reply to the mission sent by the Four Hundred at AThens in the summer of 411 to the forces at Samos. By that time, Alcibiades had been rejected as not "suitable" for oligarchy by the Four Hundred at Athens. His future prospects lay witht he forces at Samos and especially with their leader Thrasybulus.

Alcibiades [following Thrasybulus] required that the council of Four Hundred...be dibanded and the old demorcratic council of Five Hundred be restored. But he approved the curtailment of pay for public services and the rule of the Five Thousand, the limited group of citizens who exercised privileges formerly open to the full democratic assembly.

conspiracy at Samos Phrynichus and Peisander

Peisander must have made many enemies in his vigorous investigations of the scandals of 415. It was he who helped turn the inquiry into a general reign of terror, and it was he who proposed the decree lfiting the ban against torturing Athenian citizens during the inquisition.

Phrynichus'...performance as general in that year [412/11] must already have been controversaial by November 412. About a year earlier, he had opposed the unanimous opinion of the other Athenian generals and withdrawn from Miletus, avoiding a naval battle that might have crushed the Ionian rebellion at once. The imediate result had been the abandonement of Amorges to the Persians. In the year since, Atehnian fortunes had gone from bad to worse. As we shall see, some Athenians were ready to blame Phrynichus. ...[he] resisted the return of Alcibiades from the outset, denied that he could do what he promised, intrigued to prevent his return, and became active in the conspiracy only after Alcibiades and the prospect of Persian help had been excluded from it. Peisander, after he learned that Alcibiades could not or would not deliver Persian support, joined in excluding him from theri future plans and then tooka a leading part in trying to establish olbiarchy inAThens. Once they joined the movement, these men were firml, vigourously, and permanetnl committed to the oligarchical cause.

Thucydides says of Phrynichus that "he showed himself, beyong all others, the most eager for the oligarchy; ...once he set to work he revealed himself as the most reliable."

Peisander was the one who put forth the motion to establish the olibarchy of the Four Hundred and, according to Thucycdides, was the man in the public arena who played the greatest and most zealous part in the destruction of the democracy. He also took the lead in forming an oligarchic conspircy on Samos, and when the oligarchy was overthrown at Athens he went over to the Spartan camp at Decelea.

More on Athenian Coup
Aspects of Greek History: A Source-Based Approach By Terry Buckley pg. 390

In the spring of 413, possibly as the result of Alcibiades' advice (Thuc. 6.91.6), the Spartans invaded attica under King Agis and occupied Decelea, a fortified outposet equidistant from AThens and Boeotia (Thuc. 7.27): thus this phase of the Peloponnesian War (413-404) is often referred to as the Decleean War. The Athenians' attaks on the east coast of Laconia in 414 (Thuc. 6.105.2), the constatn raiding from AThenian-held Pylos (Thuc. 7.18), and the AThenian refusal to submit these issues to arbitration convinced the Spartans that the AThenians had clearly broken the terms of the Peace of Nicias, and that they were justified in renewing the war (7.18). This permanent occupation of Decelea caused many problems for the AThenians: "It did great damage to the Athenians and, by its destruciton of property and the loss of men, was one of the chief causes of the decline in Athenian power." Thucydides 7.27.3

The invasions in the Archidamina War had only been short affairs, the longest being forty days, but now the AThenians were peremently derpived of most of Attica; the revenue from the silver mines was lost; 20,000 slaves escaped - the majority being skilled workmen and vital for the AThenian economy; the food supplies from euboea had to be brought in by the more expensive sea rout; and, finally, there was the constant, exhausting guard-duty by day and night (Thuc. 7.27-8).

However, this strand of Spartan strategy, for all its debilitating effects on the AThenians, was insufficient to win the war as King Agis of Sparta so astutely observed as late as 410:

Joachim
Joachimites, also known as Joachites, were a millenarian group that arose from the Franciscans in the thirteenth century.

The Fourth Council of the Lateran in 1215 condemned Joachim of Fiore's doctrines on the Trinty as heresy. Joachim's position was laid out in his book were he attacked Peter Lombard's Sentences. Joachim held that Lombard was "a heretic and madman" for saying "There is a supreme reality which is Father, Son and Holy Ghost and it does not beget, neither is it begotten, nor does it proceed." Joachim thought Lombard's thinking increased the Trinity into a quaternity - with three persons and the common essence.

In contrast to Lombard, Joachim put forward a different take on the Trinity. Examining his Joachim's position the Council summerized it as saying that the unity of the Trinity "is not true and proper, but, as it were, a collective and analogous unity in the way many men are called one people and many believers one church".

To support his position Joachim treatsie on the matter cited several Bible passages such as Acts 4:32 "The multitude of them that believed were of one heart and one soul"; 1 Corinthians 6:17 "He that is joined unto the Lord is one spirit with him"; 1 Corinthians 3:7 "he that planteth and he that watereth are one"; Romans 12:5 that all Christians "are one body in Christ"; and 1 Kings 3:9 "My people and thy people are one."

Joachim's main Scriptural support was Jesus words at John 17:21 "I wish, Father, that they may be one in us, even as we are one, that they may be perfect in one." The Council summarized Joachim take on this passage to mean that "Christians are not one, i.e. a single reality common to all: they are one in this way, i.e., one church because of the unity of the Catholic faith and finally one kingdom because of the indissoluble union of charity." To further support this Jaoachim pointed to his manuscript of 1 John 5:7-8 which stated "For there are three that bear record in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost, and these three are one. And there are three that bear witness in earth, the spirit, the water, and the blood, and these three are one."

The Fourth Council of the Lateran ruled in favor of Peter Lombard's position holding that he expressed "Trintiy only, not a quaternity, because each of the three persons is that reality, that is to say essence, substance or divine nature, which alone is the principle of all things apart from which another cannot be found, and that relaity does not beget, neither is it begotten, nor does it proceed, but it is the Father who begets, the Son who is begotten, and the Holy Ghost which proceeds, so there are distinctions of person and unity of nature. Although therefor one person is the Father, another is the Son, another the Holy Ghost, there is not another, but which is the Father is the Son and the Holy Ghost, altogether the same, so, according to the orthodox and Catholic faith, they are believed to be consubstantial. For the Father by begetting everlastingly the Son have him his substance, as he himself testifies, "What the Father gave me is greater than all," and it cannot be said that he gave part of his substance to him and kept part for himself, as the substance of the Father is indivisible inasmuch as it is utterly simple; but neither can it be said that the Father transferred his substance to the Son in begettting him, as if he so gave it to the Son that he did not keep it himself, otherwise he would have ceased to be substance. It is clear therfore that in being born the Son recieved the substance of the Father without any diminution of it, and so the Father and the Son received the substance of the Father without any diminution of it, and so the Father and the Son have the same substance and thus the Father and the the Son and the HOly Ghost proceeding from both are the same reality. When therefore Truth prays to the Father for those believing in him, saying, 'I wish that they may be one in us, as we also are one, the word 'one' is taken to mean in the case of believers the union of charity in grace, in the case of the divine persons the unity of identity in nature, as Truth says elsewhere, 'Be ye perfect even as your heavenly Father is perfect," as if it were to say more plainly, 'Be ye perfect' with the perfection of grace, 'as your heavenly Father is perfect' with the perfecton of nature--each, that is, after his fashion, for between the Creator and the creature there can be remarked no similarity so great that a greater dissimilarity cannot be seen between them. If therefore anyone ventures to defend or approve of the opinion or teaching of the said Joachim on the matter, he is to be refuted by all as a heretic."

Joachim was not personally condemned nor was the monastary he founded interfered with for the Council noted it was operating within orthodoxy and Joachim had not spread his opinions but had ordered all his written works to be sent to the Church hierarchy "for approval or correction at the judgement of the apostolic see" and along with this he sent himself wrote out a letter "in which he firmly confesses taht he holds the faith held by the Roman church, the mother and teacher, by the divine plan, of all believers." Which indicated his willingness to conform his opinion to that of the leaders of the Church if found at odds with them.

Readings in Medieval History Volume II fourth edition edited by Patrick J. Geary The Latter Middle Ages University of Toronto Press 2010

Aymer de Lusignan

Aymer and the Poitevins were banished from England as a conseeuence of the baronial triumph in 1258

three parts of an egg: shell, albumen and yolk (The egg analogy, although commonly used, seems to militate against the teaching that God is 'without body, parts or passions', and seems to 'divide the substance' - an ancient heresy!)

trinity heresy patrick analogy

Voltron has a crowned cross on his chest and the lion pilots pray. Fight an evil king who delights in the misfortune of others employs a witch that perverts creation to unleash abominations on the peaceful.

newer Joachim
In 1200, Joachim publicly submitted all his writings to the examination of Pope Innocent III, but died before any judgment was passed.

Joachim's Novi ac Veteris Testamenti (“Book of Harmony of the New and Old Testaments”), explained his theory of providential history, in which the three ages of God's dispensation are related to the three persons of the Trinity. In Psalterium decem chordarum he describes a vision of a triangular psaltery with 10 strings, which clarified the mystery of the Trinity for him. His Expositio in Apocalypsim (“Exposition of the Apocalypse”) examines the coming of the Antichrist followed by the new age of the spirit.

Rather than a cataclysmic end of the world in which the elect alone escape destruction, he envisioned a transformation of the world into a spiritual kingdom centering on the ideal monastic life. The mystical basis of Joachim's teaching is his doctrine of the "Eternal Gospel," founded on an interpretation of the text in Revelation 14:6: "Then I saw another angel flying in midair, and he had the eternal gospel to proclaim to those who live on the earth—to every nation, tribe, language and people." Based on the verses which precede these verses, Joachim held the the new age would be founded on the monastic orders, centering on those who held strictly to their vows of chastity.

No one could learn the song except the 144,000 who had been redeemed from the earth. These are those who did not defile themselves with women, for they kept themselves pure.

By analogy with the Trinity, Joachim believed that history was divided into three fundamental epochs:

The Age of the Father, corresponding to the Old Testament, characterized by obedience of mankind to the Rules of God. The Age of the Son, between the advent of Christ and 1260, represented by the New Testament, when mankind became the adopted sons of God. The Age of the Holy Spirit, impending, when humankind was to come in direct contact with God, reaching the complete spiritual freedom preached by the Christian message. According to Joachim, the Kingdom of the Holy Spirit, a new dispensation of universal love, would proceed from the Gospel but transcend the letter of it. In this new age the ecclesiastical organization would be replaced and the Order of the Just would rule the Church and transform the world.

Only in this third age will it be possible to really understand the words of God in its deepest meaning, and not merely literally. He concluded that this age would begin around 1260 based on the Book of Revelation (verses 11:3 and 12:6, which mention "one thousand two hundred and sixty days").[1] Instead of the parousia (the literal Second Coming of Christ on the clouds), a new epoch of peace and concord would begin, thus making the hierarchy of the Church unnecessary.

Joachim of Fiore New World Encyclopedia http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Joachim_of_Fiore

His third main work, the Psalterium decem chordarum (“Psaltery of Ten Strings”), expounds his doctrine of the Trinity through the symbol of his vision of the 10-stringed psaltery. Here and in a lost tract he attacked the doctrine of “quaternity” (an overemphasis on the “one essence” of the Godhead that seems to separate it from the three Persons of the Trinity and so create a fourth), which he attributed to Peter Lombard, a 12th-century theologian.

The condemnation of his tract against Peter Lombard by the fourth Lateran Council in 1215 dimmed his reputation for a time

Joachim Of Fiore Marjorie E. Reeves http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/304176/Joachim-Of-Fiore

In 1215 the Fourth Lateran Council upheld the trinitarian doctrine of Peter Lombard and condemned Joachim's polemic treatise, the De Unitate seu de essentia trinitatis. No complete manuscript of the De unitate has been found, and, therefore, Joachim's arguments against Peter Lombard must be reconstructed from the conciliar decree and from a few scattered passages in his other books. Joachim accused Peter of separating the essence or unity from the persons and thus of making God into a "quaternity." The council and most later theologians have, however, criticized Joachim. Antonio Crocco has demonstrated that Joachim's confessional statements are irreproachably orthodox but, like the Greek Fathers, Joachim approached the Trinity from the standpoint of the three distinct but inseparable persons and did not satisfactorily reconcile their threeness with their unity.

Joachim's view of the Trinity was informed by his view of history. Joachim held that history could be divided into three ages or status each emphasizing one of the persons of the Trinity. The first status was that of the Old Testament and the synagogue which emphasized the Father. The second status was that of the New Testament and the Greek and Latin Churches which emphasized the Son. The final status that Joachim held was fast approaching in his day would emphasize the Holy Spirit and would be most visibile in the ascendency of the more spiritual monastic church supplanting the papacy, sacraments, and scripture. Due to this view Joachim, while not a tritheist, "emphasized the distinction of the Holy Spirit from the other two persons."

Joachim's emphasis on the distinctiveness of the Holy Spirit also made him a strong supporter of the Latin addition of filoque to the Nicene Creed in disputes between the Latin and Greek parts of the Church. Joachim strongly supported the double procession of the Holy Ghost and held it to be the crucial point in contestation between Rome and Constantinople - one overshadowing all other political, ecclesiastical, and theological issues. - Why had Joachim such a deep personal antagonism to the Master of the Sentences, even aligning him with the arch-heretics Sabellius and Arius? We must recall that the formative period of Joachim's thinking coincided with the time after the Lombard's death in 1160 when an intense debate was proceeding between the protagonists and antagonists of his view. In this passionate clash of opinion anti-dialectics--great mystics like Richard of St. Victor--attacked the Lombard's teaching with full force, and at the Third Lateran Council of 1179 Pope Alexander III even proposed to condemn the Sententiae as heretical. on the other side, Peter Lombard's faithful disciples rallied to his defence and prevented the condemnation. In this period of fluctuating views Joachim's attack would have seemed neither shocking nor unusual, but the intensity of his opposition derives from the peculiar integration of his Trinitarian doctrine with his understanding of history which, as we have seen, characterizes the Abbot's thought. To him the abstraction of a 'summa res non generans...', aloof from history and unable to enter into it--for so he conceived Peter Lombard's doctrine to be--was utterly repugnant. The essence of the Trinity could not be thought of apart from its interpenetration of history: its unity in the divine sphere could only be expressed in terms of the 'Three-are-One'; in the human sphere, by the unity of the three status in history, developing towards one goal. Threeness and Unity were of equal importance in Joachim's view, whereas the Lombard's doctrine implied that unity transcended all differentiation. No doubt Joachim failed to understand the Lombard's metaphysical concept as a notional distinction, mistaking it for a real entity, something 'fourth' which he abhorred, but his whole approach was anti-dialectical, and he believed, as we have seen, that the mystery of the Trinity could only be understood through deep spiritual experience, not by philosophical way of the carnalis intellectus.

Already in his life-time Joachim's views were misunderstood: in attacking a supposed quaternity it was only too easy to give an impression of falling into Tritheism. Joachim tells us that he was accused of attempting to 'scindere unitatem', though he rejects this emphatically. Becasue so much emphasis was later placed on the Abbot's doctrine of the three status, it has often been assumed that Joachim was most deeply influenced by the Greek approach of the Trinity through a stress on the Three Persons. The recent study of the Liber Figuraum brings out clearly the opposite point--that Joachim was equally inluenced by the Latin approach through the Unity of the Three persons. He would not, however, establish the Untiy by any method which suggested an entity separate from the action of the Three Persons, and so he sought to walk a difficult knife-edge, setting forth through a variety of symbols and figurae his concept, not so much of a Three-in-One, as of a Three-are-One.

Reeves, Hirsch-Reich Studies

fondness for and use of number patterns

the influence of the figuarae (with a special chapter on the possible influence on Dante, a subject of great interest since Tondelli's discovery, largely because of his extensive claims).

Although figures to explain and clarify concepts are not unknown in MSS before Joachim, Joachimist and Joachite use of them represents a remarkable efflorescence of the technique and still remains to be fully accounted for. In part, the figures can be explained by Joachim's extraordinary visual imagination.

Joachim's views of history and the Trinity were especially suitable for visual representation. Other philosophies and interpretations would be more difficult to diagram. Joachim seems to be anticipating here, as in other matters, Renaissance linear thinking.

The Byzantine element in Joachim which has been the subject of dispute is not much discussed in this book. ...On p. 43, R. makes clear the emphasis on "threeness" in Joachim's Trinitarian figures. This "threeness" suggests, as R. points out... a Byzantine source or influence, but she questions that and suggests it comes from Joachim's hatred of anything that might suggest a quaternity (as a large circle around the three smaller circles would do). She Emphasizes the dynamism of theses figures. Yet dynamism within the Trinity is also a Byzantine theological commonplace.

R. Continues to be surprised about Joachim's diffidence about the third age, that which is yet to come. I do not see how an honest man could give more than a "hint of the third status." Joachim could, of course, byt hte very nature of his historical thinking have been able to give details for the first and most of the second ages, but surely not for the third.

R. Says that Jerusalem could hardly grow out of and crown a tree raising from Babylon. This idea is not impossible, for it might symbolize the ultimate victory of Jerusalem over Babylon, the Babylon without as well as within.The Church can and does arise from Rome, and Christ does crown Adam. Christ arises from and elevates Adam. R. seems to think that human history cannot be rooted in evil. Is it not the transformation of evil to good that Christ and the Church effect?

In some sense all Christians must be mystics, but mysticism demands more than this level of divine knowledge.

Review Reviewed Work: The "Figurae" of Joachim of Fiore by Marjorie Reeves, Beatrice Hirsch-Reich Review by: Morton W. Bloomfield Speculum Vol. 50, No. 1 (Jan., 1975), pp. 147-149 Published by: Medieval Academy of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2856533

The simplistic view of Joachim's vission of history as reducible to a three-age theory does not stand up to a careful reading of the text; the intricate interweaving patterns of twos and threes, of fives and sevens to be found in his historical theories seem of their own accord to demand a visual presentation. Indeed, the Calabrian prophet was "given" many of the figurae in moments of spiritual illumination (Chap. II, passim). The five basic kinds of images--trees, circles, the Alpha and Omega, the ten-stringed psaltery, and eagles--found their earliest expression in illustrations scattered through the text of his major writings; towards the end of his life Joachim was responsible for the expansion and additions to these figuarae which formed the Liber Figurarum, aptly described as a pictorial supplement to his major works. The Liber is authentically the work of Jaochim, though the authors admit that there may have been slight modifications introduced by close disciples.

...in continuing to assert the figures based on the pattern of twos are somehow more "historical" than those based on the "mystical" patter of threes, they have introduced a needless confusion in Joachim's thought. The use of abundant historical detail in the diagrams illustrating the three ages shows that the pattern of threes is no less historical than the patterns of twos, as the authors themselves suggest in places. The dichotomy between "historical" and "mystical" is not a useful tool to portray the nuances of the abbot's thought--for him history was always mystical.

In this same area, it is strange to tnote that no mention is made of the important find of A. Maier (cf. Rivista di Soria della Chiesa in Italia, XVIII [1964], 6-9) of what may well be a fragment of Joachim's lost work against the Lombard, the De unitate et essentia Trinitatis.

Finally, the assertions that Joachim left Corazzo for Casamari in 1183 to escape mysterious hostilities and dangers is controverted by the witness of the anonymous Vita [a brief biographical sketch] that his real purpose was the more mundane one of incorporating his house into the Cistercian order under the patronage of Casamari.

Reviewed Work: The Figurae of Joachim of Fiore by Marjorie Reeves, Beatrice Hirsch-Reich Review by: Bernard McGinn The Catholic Historical Review Vol. 62, No. 1 (Jan., 1976), pp. 86-88 Published by: Catholic University of America Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25019830 Page Count: 3

Joachim by Harold Lee
The seven seals and their openings probably stimulated Joachim's first thoughts on the nature of history, and from them he conceived a double sweep of history through the Old and New Testaments. His basic conception of history lies in this pattern of twos, and the pattern of threes, most often associated with his name, springs out of this earlier pattern of concords. The threes apparently came from Joachim's calculation of generations: in each of the two dispensations, he saw a generational sequence of 21+21+21. The crucial facts for understanding this pattern is that the new dispensation begins with Ozias (Uzziah) and therefore overlaps the old dispensation by twenty-one generations. This overlap carries over into the pattern of the three status of history, which consist of (1) Adam to Christ, (2) Ozias and Elisha to the present  (or Zacharias to forty-two generations after Christ), and (3) from St. Benedict until the consummation of time. The third status was apparently close at hand, and to commence around the year 1260. In general, then, Joachim works concurrently with the connected patterns of the two dispensations and the Trinity. In the pattern of threes, the equality of the Three Persons is expressed by assigning one to each of the three status, and in the pattern of twos, the authority of the Father and the Nativity of the Son are expressed in the Jewish and Gentile nations and in the two Testaments. Another important point is that the second dispensation contains both the Incarnation and the Advent of the Holy Spirit. The New Testament is therefore quasi duplex, and thus the trinal conception of concord arises from the pattern of twos. The emergence of the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son is of central importance to Joachim, and forms a paradigm for his exegetical concept of a Spiritual Understanding (Spiritualis Intellectus) which emerges from the concords of the Old and New Testaments. The three status are not dispensations but stages in spiritual growth, in which the final one "proceeds" form the first two (page 10). Dr. Reeves comes as close as would seem possible to explicating the elusive nature of the third status by suggesting that tit is more a state of being embodied in the Spiritualis Intellectus than an actual age of history, even though it must exist within history. in addition to these patterns, Joachim also saw another number pattern based on twelve, which he brought into concord with seven, two, and three.

The second chapter of Part I treats the sources and evolution of the figurae in Joachim's three main earlier works, the Liber Concordie, the Expositio super Apocalyspsim, and the Psalterium Decern Chordarum. Joachim professed at an early stage his practical need for figures, primarily as teaching devices for the illustration of textual points. Five major figures emerge which were to grow beyond mere teaching devices: trees, circles, the Greek letters Alpha and Omega (ω), and the O of its Latin transcription in Omega, the ten-stringed psaltery, and the eagle. There seem to be no direct models for Joachim's tress, which he used to depict the movement of the generations, although he was probably influenced by current concepts of the Jesse Trees and the Trees of Virtues and Vices. The image of a tree, extneded at times into three trees, with its suggestion of organic growth, appears early and only in the Liber Concordie, and, Dr. Reeves says, give Joachim "the living image of the Trinity at work in history" (page 35). The circle is the only figure that appears in all three works, in three major contexts. The first is part of a set that is given special treatment below, the A and O from Ego sum Alpha et Omega, which Joachim uses in an original fashion as symbols of the threeness and unity of the Trinity, rather than in the biblical context of first and last. The second context consists of three interlacing circles as a figure for the Trinity, adapted from the figure of the Tetragrammaton drawn by Petrus Alphonsi.

The third arrangement occurs in the Psalterium, in which the circle is that inscribed within a psaltery. The letters A, ω, and O appear in two of the earlier works as figure; they occur within the text of the Liber Concordie, but are not full-fledged figurae. The figure of the psaltery is an expression of the Trinity for Jaoachim, and its strings represent stages of moral, theological, and possibly mystical progression: A, ω, and O are closely bound up with this most complex of Joachim’s figures. The psaltery as a symbol of the Trinity is entirely original; any previous symbolic interpretations have concentrated on the strings rather than the shape of the instrument. The final major textual figure, the eagle, which appears only in the Psalterium, remains something of a mystery in its textual context, looking more a conventional eagle than as tree-eagle in the Liber Figuraum, but Dr. Reeves notes already its “inescapable affinity of concept with that of Dante” (page 62). …warns the reader that a number of the figures used by the Venetian editors [of the sixteenth-century] are from the Praemissiones, a spurious collection of the late thirteenth century. …The spurious works attributed to Joachim were probably not produced before about 1240. We know very little about the first generation of Joachimism, and indeed, apart from the Liber Figuraum, if it was done by a disciple, there is no indication that early disciples were in fact producing works. Among the more interesting of the convincing arguments for the authenticity of the Liber is that the variations and extensions from Joachim’s earlier works are typical of his constantly changing juxtapositions of the patterns in all his work. In the spurious collections, text and figure often lose their cohesion, and confusion rather than a new and genuine variation is the result. The authors cannot be certain that there was a fixed order or sequence, although they suggest two general patterns, and suggest that the work was intended to be a supplementum, rather than a liber, as Salimbene described it.

Two corollary themes emerge from the commentaries: the careful arrangement of text and figure, and the symbolic significance of what might appear to be gratuitous ornamentation. Perhaps the best example of the first occurs in plate IV of the 1953 edition, one of the lists of generations and related historical events. Here Joachim is apparently forced to commit himself to the number 1260 as the year of crisis. But, as Dr. Reeves demonstrates, the careful spatial arrangement of text and drawing allows Joachim some freedom concerning the beginning of the third status even here.

In the second category, plate XXII of the 1953 edition, the tree-circles, is one of the most striking of the figures in terms of composition and ornamentation, with almost no text. Yet it conveys the history of the Hebrew and Gentile nations in a manner consistent with Joachim’s earlier works; each trunk flowers at its appropriate historical moment within the Trinitarian framework of the circles, and the final flowering of both at the top allows ornamentation, composition, and color to convey the entire sweep of history to the third status.

In her summary of Joachim’s use of figure, Dr. Reeves notes that they ranged from teaching devices which "showed at a glance what could only be conveyed by word" (256), to symbols, such as the Alpah, Omega, and the Tetragrammaton, in which "there is a sense in which they are the divine truths they represent" (257). In her view, Joachim's key images "represent a sudden break through of divine power which impart to his mind a grasp of the wholeness and harmony of all things in God's self-revelation, gathering up into one understanding all concords and correspondences, the laws of numbers and of proportions, the patterns of history and of spiritual giFt, the mysterious inner relations of the Trinity. In a lightning flash – ictu oculi – understanding is given of mysteries upon which the soul can feed, slowly working them out in detail" (page 256).

This interpretation of Joachim's use of figures corresponds closely to the symbolic image as E. H. Gombrich describes it in his book Symbolic Images: "Where symbols are felt not to be conventional but essential, their interpretation in itself must be left to inspiration and intuition…one identifiable meaning assigned to its distinctive features. All its aspects are felt to be charged with a plenitude of meanings that can never be exhaustively learned, but must be found in the very process of contemplation it is designed to engender" (Symbolic Images pg 59). Joachim is surely a creator par excellence of the symbolic image.

In the fourth and final part of the book, Dr. Reeves deals with the influence of the figures, especially on Dante. she is cautious on the possible influence of the trees, but she sees "well-night incontrovertible evidence that Dante used the imagery of Joachim's strange pair of Tree-Eagles" (page 321). Tondelli saw that the clue to the letter M and its permutations in Paradiso xviii was to be found in Joachim's figure. ...Dr. Reeves takes the tree-eagles as genuine, and argues that "int he case of the Tree-Eagle of Joachim, Dante understood its hidden promise of the Age of the Spirit" (page 322), and placed his own figure in the sixth heaven, an age of earthly justice. The circles of Paradiso xiv, 28-33, which reverse their sequence, are precisely akin to Joachim's use of them to express the inner relations of the Persons of the Trinity. The passage in Paradisso xxxiii, 115-120, describes exactly, even in their coloring, the interlacing circles of the Liber Figurarum. Dr. Reeves concludes this final chapter by suggesting that though he was to some degree influenced by Joachim's general concepts, Dante was primarily influenced by Joachim as artist, by "shapes and artistic details rather than influenced by the complex structure of thought behind the figurae...Dante was captured by the richness of image and the splendour of execution which created visible forms for spiritual mysteries" (page 329). Again, it is Joachim as creator of the symbolic image who is most pervasive in his influence, and in telling us so much about Joachim's figurae, Dr. Reeves has also told us a great deal about the creative imagination of the later Middle Ages.

Reviewed Work: The Figurae of Joachim of Fiore (Oxford-Warburg Studies) by Marjorie Reeves, Beatrice Hirsch-Reich Review by: Harold Lee The Art Bulletin Vol. 56, No. 4 (Dec., 1974), pp. 601-602 Published by: College Art Association Article DOI: 10.2307/3049312 Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3049312 Page Count: 2

Influence on Christopher Columbus
In the 1490s with the recent triumph of the Catholic Monarchs against the Muslim powers who had held parts of the Iberian Peninsula for 781 years (termed the Reconquista), there had arisen a "vast diffusion of a form of messianic political propaganda in favor of the Crown." This combined with "the broad tradition of apocalyptic eschatology in the Franciscan circles". In this atmosphere the explorer Christopher Columbus later in his life began to see himself as being a direct participant in bringing about the Second Coming of Christ. Columbus felt encouraged in this thinking by his exposure to the thinking of Joachim of Fiore and works attributed to him (later held to be spurious by modern historians).

Historian Roberto Rusconi points out that as Columbus grew older his framework of a peripheral eschatological worldview deepened and he "began to view the goal of the liberation of Jerusalem from Muslim domination in more apocalyptic sense. At some point the discovery of the West Indies became identified in his mind with one of the events which would precede the end of the world, along with the liberation of the holy sepulchre and the universal conversion of the peoples to the gospel of Christ." This belief can be seen most clearly in Columbus' own apocalyptic writing titled Book of Prophecies.

Historian Rusconi states that it is unlikely that Columbus had first hand knowledge of the works of Joachim, rather he learnt of him through the work of Pierre d'Ailly. While Joachim may have influenced Columbus "it cannot be argued on good grounds that his eschatological views could have been derived from a Joachmitic framework, whether authentic or spurious."

In Columbus' private copy of the collected works of Pierre d'Ailly mentions of Joachim of Fiore were marked by him for further consideration. Historian Roberto Rusconi points out that one of the passages marked included "the prediction made by Joachim to Philip Augustus II of France and Richard I of England, the 'Lion-hearted,' about the liberation of the holy sepulchre (112.6)" at that point Columbus had written in the margin next to the passage "Joachim abbas Calabrus."

Some of the prophecies attributed to Joachim by other writers after his death were also influential on Columbus. Columbus corresponded with an Italian monk Gaspar Gorricio who belonged to the Carthusian Monastery of Santa Maria de las Cuevas in Seville. Gorricio served as Columbus' religious counselor after the explorer had a falling out with the Franciscans. Gorricio was entrusted by Columbus with safeguarding his family's archives in the monastery. In the pages of Columbus' Book of Prophecies Gorricio transcribed a pseudo-Joachimitic political prophecy that historian Rusconi holds was "very important [to Columbus] because it complemented his own expectations." In a draft letter to Ferdiand and Isabella, Columbus translated the prophecy himself into Castilian "'The Calabrian abbot Joachim said that whoever was to rebuild the temple on Mount Zion would come from Spain' (011.52)."

Columbus mentioned this prophecy again in a letter to Ferdinand and Isabella sent during his fourth voyage from Jamaica on July 7, 1503: "'Jerusalem and Mount Zion will be rebuilt by a Christian; God tells who it will be through the mouth of the prophet in the fourteenth psalm. The abbot Joachim said that this person would come from Spain.'" Rusconi holds that this quotation gives credence to the position that "Columbus took the manuscript of the Book of Prophecies with him on his last voyage."

Historian Rusconi holds that while Columbus may have been influenced in his thinking by cultural interpretations of Joachim's work he can not himself be said to be Joachmitic. Rusconi goes on to say that several decades after the Columbus' first voyage to the Americas "the religious orders, and in particular the Franciscan missionaries in America, would view the process of evangelization of the new people in the light of an eschatological and apocalyptic interpretation that is undeniably Joachimitic."

Joachim by E. Randolph Daniel
The Double Procession of the Holy Spirit in Joachim of Fiore's Understanding of History E. Randolph Daniel Speculum Vol. 55, No. 3 (Jul., 1980), pp. 469-483 Published by: Medieval Academy of America Article DOI: 10.2307/2847236 Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2847236 Page Count: 15

Since the composition of the Expositio super Hieremiam in the 1240s, Joachim's disciples as well as many scholars less sympathetic to him have surpassing or ever superseding the status of the Father and that of the Son. By unanimous agreement the three status are the historical expression of the relationships within the three persons of the trinity. Consequently, it is impossible to understand Joachim's historical patterns without discussing his theology. The controversies about the one inevitably affect the other.

In 1215 the Fourth Latern Council upheld the trinitarian doctrine of Peter Lombard and condemned Joachim's polemical treatise, the De unitate seu de essentia trinitatis. No complete manuscript of the De unitate has been found, and therefore, Joachim's arguments against Peter Lombard must be reconstructed form the conciliar decree and from a few scattered passages in his other books. Joachim accused Peter of separating the essence or unity from the persons and thus making God into a "quaternity." The council and most later theologians have, however, criticized Joachim. Antonio Crocco has demonstrated that Joachim's confessional statements are irreproachably orthodox, but like the Greek Fathers, Joachim approached the Trintiy from the standpoint of the three distinct but inseparable persons and did not satisfactorily reconcile their threeness with their unity.

This assessment of Joachim's trinitarian doctrine appeared to parallel exactly his three status. The abbot was not a tritheist, but he emphasized the distinction of the Holy Spirit from the other two persons, especially from the Son. While those scholars who wanted to defend his orthodoxy have tried to avoid the full implications of this correlation -- the view that the clerical church of the second status with its scripture, sacraments, and papacy would be supplanted by the monastic church of the third status -- the logic of the argument has favored the more radical interpreters. Just as the Greek and Latin churches have supplanted the synagogue, so they should be replaced by the spiritual church. Three distinct divine persons meant three successive historical status, belonging in order to the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. The Holy Spirit should enjoy his own distinct status in his turn.

Although these scholars were aware of other pasterns of history used by Joachim, they had generally ignored them. The traditional views were, therefore, substantially jarred by Marjorie Reeves and Beatrice Hirsh-Reich's studies of the Liber figurarum, which demonstrated conclusively that Joachim divides history not only into the three status but also into two tempora, from Adam to Christ and from Christ to the end of history. Marjorie Reeves has shown convincingly that this twofold pattern plays a major role in Joachim's understanding of history. Because it makes Christ and, therefore, the papal church endure from the Incarnation until the end of history, it is quite orthodox. Simultaneously it seems irreconcilable with the division into three status. In order to explain this apparent contradiction, Prof. Reeves has suggested that the twofold pattern was intended to be institutional, while the threefold tended to be "mystical", "a new quality of life rather than a new set of institutions." Professor Reeves has proven that any interpretation of Joachim must be able to account for both schemata. In effect she has established a new starting point for studies of Joachim.[Marjorie Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages (Oxford, 1969), pp. 16-29. M. Reeves and B. Hirsch-Reich, The Figuare of Joachim of Fiore (Oxford, 1972(, pp. 1-19. M. Reeves, Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future, pb. ed. (New York 1977), pp. 5-22. While this article disagrees with her interpretation of the relationships between these two patterns, I should like to acknowledge my profound debt to the work of Prof. Reeves, whose studies have undoubtedly given us not only a new foundation for the interpreation of Joachim but also an enormous amount of information, especially on the role of the figurae in his thoughts and works.]

The thesis of this article can be stated briefly: The double procession of the Holy Spirit is the central clue needed to comprehend both of Joachim's schemes of history. From this standpoint both divisions of history appear in a new light, the threefold as the unfolding of relationships between the three orders (the married, the clergy, and the monks), the twofold as the development from the two peoples, Jewish and Gentile, of the spirtuales viri. To Prof. Reeves the two patterns appeared to be contrasting alternatives. In the light of the double procession, however, they become complements. Indeed, they are two halves of a single whole. Neither can be understood without the other.

Before entering into the defense of this thesis, a discussion of terminology is necessary. Hitherto this article has referred to Joachim's threefold scheme or the division of history into three status. Joachim himself called this schemata the prima diffinitio, which he represented figuratively by the triangular letter alpha (A). Jocahcim descirbed the twofold pattern as the secunda diffinitio, symbolized by the letter omega (ω), in which "Joachim saw the middle stroke, the virgula, as representing a third part issuing from the two parts of the figure."[Reeves, Joachim of Fiore, pp. 6-7; L.C., Book 2, Tract. 1, chap. 9, fol. 10rb] [In his commentary on Apocalypse 1.8, Jocahim deals with the alpha and the omega but also with the omicron, which receptively symbolize the three equal persons, the procession of the Holy Spirit form the Father and Son, and the unity of the three persons (EXp., Part 1, fols. 33vb-28vb).]