User:Xli1218/sandbox

Outline changes

 * 1.    Overview (expand the content)
 * 2.     Drivers of rural-to-urban migration (causes of left-behind children)
 * 2.1. Rural to urban migration
 * 2.2. Hukou system
 * 2.3. Education attainment issue
 * 3.    Impacts (I plan on keep the section but expand the content)
 * 3.1. Mental and Physical Health
 * 3.2. Education
 * 3.3. Social relationships
 * 3.4. Safety
 * 3.5. Cell phone addiction
 * 4.    Influencing factors (Intersectionality in experience)
 * 4.1. Age
 * 4.2. Gender
 * 4.3. Resources
 * 5.    Government and private sector initiatives (I plan on expanding this part)
 * 5.1. State response
 * 5.2. Private sector initiatives
 * 5.3. International community response
 * 6.    International comparison
 * 7.    Further reading
 * 8.    External links
 * 9.    References

Overall:
In general, the article will be divided into three parts—the cause, impact, and policy initiatives surround the left-behind children in China. I have three main focuses in my edits: add new information about the state of left-behind children including statistics by regions, expand on explaining the causes of the issue, and edit the original text and add credible references to increase neutrality.

Changes by section:
1.    Overview: In this section, I will add more statistical information about the left-behind children in China and add more graphics that describe this issue if possible, to help reader better understand the immensity of the issue. I will also clarify the definition of left behind children as well as write a brief history of how this issue has become a social concern historically.

2.    Causes of Left-behind children: I will add more information about the factors that’s influencing the issue of left-behind children, including the hukou system Chinese government enforce, the socioeconomic inequalities between urban and rural space, and the educational inequalities at play in this issue.

3.    Impacts of being left behind: I will expand this section to include more studies done by researchers on different aspects of impacts caused by being left behind without the supervision of a parent.

4.    Initiatives and Policies: In this section I want to expand to include more initiatives that were proposed on a global level to resolve the issue of left-behind children. For example, initiative state-wide to regulate the hukou system that reduces educational inequality, private sector’s initiatives to donate resources to less developed regions, and the introduction of new technology to facilitate parenting.

Links
This article currently receives around 50 views daily. Its parent articles include “Hukou system”, “Migration in China” which receive thousands of views daily. I will edit the parent articles to include the link to this article to increase traffic. Its related articles include “Kinship care”, “Latchkey children”, “Euro-orphan” as well as other articles about this phenomenon around the world.

Citation:
1.    Chang, Hongqin, Xiao-Yuan Dong, and Fiona Macphail. 2011. "Labor Migration and Time Use Patterns of the Left-Behind Children and Elderly in Rural China." World Development 2199-2210.

2.     Dai, Qian, and Rong-Xuan Chu. 2018. "Anxiety, Happiness and Self-Esteem of Western Chinese Left-Behind Children." Child Abuse & Neglect 86.

3.    Hao, Chenyue, Xudong Zhou, Feng Wang, Minmin Jiang, and Therese Hesketh. 2017. "Care for Left-Behind Children in Rural China: A Realist Evaluation of a Community-Based Intervention." Children and Youth Services Review 239-245.

4.    Mu, Guanglun Michael, and Yang Hu. 2016. Living with vulnerabilities and opportunities in a migration context : floating children and left-behind children in China. Rotterdam: Sense.

5.    To, Siu-ming, Yuk-yan So, and Ching-man Kwok. 2018. "Meaning-Making of Motherhood Among Rural-to-Urban Migrant Chinese Mothers of Left-Behind Children." Journal of Child and Family Studies 3358-3370.

6.    Wang, Sophie Xuefei, and Fu Yu Benjamin. 2019. "Labor Mobility Barriers and Rural-Urban Migration in Transitional China." China Economic Review 211-224.

7.    Yan, Li, Qianqian Zhu, Xiaowen Tu, Xiayun Zuo, Chunyan Yu, Chaohua Lou, Qiguo Lian, and Antonio Palazón-Bru. 2018. "ullying Victimization and Child Sexual Abuse Among Left-Behind and Non-Left-Behind Children in China." PeerJ.

8.    Zhang, Haomiao. 2018. "A Qualitative Study on the Rights of Rural Left-Behind Children in Sichuan Province, China.A Qualitative Study on the Rights of Rural Left-Behind Children in Sichuan Province, China." Children and Youth Services Review 12-18.

9.    Zhang, Junhua, Lixia Yan, Huiyan Qiu, and Binron Dai. 2018. "Social Adaptation of Chinese Left-Behind Children: Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis." Children and Youth Services Review 308-315.

10. Zhonghua quan guo fu nü lian he hui. Er tong gong zuo bu. 2011. Research report on left behind and migrant children. Beijing: he hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she.

11.  Shi, Ying. 2016. “The e-parenting initiative that brings left-behind children closer to their parents.” UNICEF.

12.  Lisa Yiu & Luo Yun (2017) China’s Rural Education: Chinese Migrant Children and Left-Behind Children, Chinese Education & Society, 50:4, 307-314.

13.  Wang, Huan; James Chu; Prashant Loyalka; Tao Xin; Yaojiang Shi; Qinghe Qu; and Chu Yang. 2016. “Can Social‐Emotional Learning Reduce School Dropout in Developing Countries?” Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, no.4:  818– 47.

14.  Ye, Jingzhong, Pan, Lu. 2011. “Differentiated childhoods: impacts of rural labor migration on left-behind children in China.” The Journal of Peasant Studies Volume 38, Issue 2.

15.  UNICEF. “UNICEF Annual Report 2017-China”. 2018.

16.  UNICEF. “UNICEF working paper: Children left behind.” 2012.

17.  Ke Shen, Yuan Zhang. (2018) The impacts of parental migration on children’s subjective well-being in rural china: a double-edged sword. Eurasian Geography and Economics 59:2, pages 267-289.

18.  Yanning Wei. (2018) Leaving children behind: a win-win household strategy or a path to pauperization?. Eurasian Geography and Economics 59:2, pages 164-183.

History of Bisexuality (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_bisexuality)

 * 1) Angelides, Steven. 2001. A History of Bisexuality. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
 * 2) Cantarella, Eva. 1992. Bisexuality in the ancient world. New Haven: Yale University Press.
 * 3) Dodge, Brian, Michael Reece, and Paul H. Gebhard. 2008. "Kinsey and Beyond: Past, Present, and Future Considerations for Research on Male Bisexuality." Journal of Bisexuality 175-189.
 * 4) Duberman, Martin Bauml, Martha Vicinus, and Jr. George Chauncey. 1989. Hidden from History: Reclaiming the Gay and Lesbian Past. Penguin Random House.
 * 5) Hinsch, Bret. 1990. Passions of the Cut Sleeve: The Male Homosexual Tradition in China. Berkley : University of California Press.
 * 6) MacDowall, Lachlan. 2009. "Historicising Contemporary Bisexuality." Journal of Bisexuality 3-15.
 * 7) Stein, Marc. 2003. Encyclopedia of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender history in America Marc Stein, editor in chief. Farmington Hills : Gale, Cengage Learning.
 * 8) van Alphen, Elise C. J. 2017. "Erasing Bisexual Identity: The Visibility and Invisibility of Bisexuality as a Sexual Identity in the Dutch Homosexual Movement, 1946-1972." Journal of Homosexuality 273-288.
 * 9) Alexander, Jonathan; Anderlini-D'Onofrio, Serena. We are Everywhere: A Fiveway Review of A History of Bisexuality, Open, Becoming Visible, Bisexual Spaces, and Look Both Ways. 2009." Journal of Bisexuality 461-476.
 * 10) Williams, Craigs A. 1999. Roman Homosexuality : Ideologies of Masculinity in Classical Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
 * 11) Garber, Marjorie B. Bisexuality and the Eroticism of Everyday Life. First Routledge paperback edition. New York: Routledge, 2000.
 * 12) Baumgardner, Jennifer. Look Both Ways : Bisexual Politics. First edition. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007.
 * 13) Burleson, William E. Bi America : Myths, Truths, and Struggles of an Invisible Community. New York: Harrington Park Press, 2005.
 * 14) Firestein, Beth A. Bisexuality : the Psychology and Politics of an Invisible Minority. Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, 1996.
 * 15) Haeberle, Erwin J., and Gindorf, Rolf. Bisexualities : the Ideology and Practice of Sexual Contact with Both Men and Women. New York: Continuum, 1998.
 * 16) Tucker, Naomi, and Baer, Freddie. Bisexual Politics : Theories, Queries, and Visions. New York, New York ;: Routledge, 2013.
 * 17) Hekma, Gert. 1998. "Bisexuality: Historical Perspectives." In Bisexualities: The Ideology and Practice of Sexual Contact with Both Men and Women, by Erwin Haeberle and Rolf Gindorf, 113-117. New York: Continuum.
 * 18) Gagnon, John, Cathy Greenblat, and Michael Kimmel. 1998. "Bisexuality: A Sociological Perspective." In Bisexualities : the Ideology and Practice of Sexual Contact with Both Men and Women, by Erwin Haeberle and Rolf Gindorf, 81-106. New York : Continuum.

Lead Paragraph
History of bisexuality is divided into two parts, pre-modern history and contemporary history. In modern Western culture, the term Bisexual is defined as a person with the capacity for romantic and/or sexual attraction to more than one gender.The use of the word bisexual can be traced back to 19th century when German psychologist Richard von Krafft-Ebing used the word bisexual to a gender of individuals who adopted both feminine and masculine behaviors. Beginning from 1970s, bisexuality as a distinct sexuality gained visibility in western literature, academia, and activism. Although there is a surge of research and activism in bisexuality, many scholars and activists acknowledge that bisexuals have often been marginalized in literature, films, and research works.

Societal attitudes towards bisexuality vary across culture and history and sexuality is also susceptible to changes in cultures, however, there is no substantive evidence showing that the rate of same-sex attraction had varied much. Before the contemporary discussion of sexuality as associated with personal identity, the ancient and medieval culture views bisexuality as experience of both same-sex and heterosexual relationship. Therefore, the depiction of bisexuality in most ancient and medieval history is characterized by behaviors instead of personal identity. Ancient Greece and Ancient Rome cultures believe that it was socially acceptable for adult men to be involved in same-sex relationships. Same-sex relationship between men were regarded as religious practice or ritual to solidify loyalty and acquire strength and virtue.

The ancient and medieval history of bisexuality often depicts sexual behaviors and relationships between people of the same sex and of the different sex with an emphasis on anecdotal information. The modern definition of bisexuality started to take form in the middle of 19th century within three interconnected categories, biological, psychical, and sexual categories.

Ancient History
Ancient history of bisexuality are recorded in forms of historical texts, poetry, and literatures in many ancient cultures in both Western and Eastern culture. Marjorie Garber, in her work Vice Versa: Bisexuality and the Eroticism of Everyday Life (1995), made a connection between "the nature of human eroticism" and bisexuality. Marjorie Garber used pre-modern history to normalize bisexuality by arguing that people's erotic lives are often complex and unable to label. People in ancient cultures do not associate sexual relationship with identity as "homosexual" or "bisexual". They tend to have both male and female sexual partners. The societal acceptance of same sex relationship varied by time and culture. And the sexual relations are connected with social class, rituals, family structure, etc. In Ancient Greece culture, people regards same sex relationship as a part of ritual for boys to become men; while in ancient Rome culture, men who take the penetrative role engage in sexual relationship with other men or slaves to strengthen and confirm their social power. Same sex relations between men are typically more recorded in most ancient cultures compared to women in literature and historical texts. However, sexual relations between women were also recorded in literatures in Ancient China.

Ancient Greece
Ancient Greeks did not associate sexual relations with binary labels, as modern Western society does. Men who had male lovers were not identified as homosexual, and may have had wives or other female lovers. Ancient Greek religious texts, reflecting cultural practices, incorporated bisexual themes. The subtexts varied, from the mystical to the didactic. Same sex relationship between boys and mens as a part of rituals in pre-city Greece were researched and confirmed by scholars. . In the different areas of pre-city Greece, boys lived in the company of a man who was both an educator and lover to boys during their adolescent, to learn the virtues and rituals that would make them into adult men. In Eva Cantarella's Bisexuality in the Ancient World,"...in Crete adult men, known as 'lovers' (erasstai), used to kidnap the adolescents who the loved (eromenoi) and take the away outside thcity, for a perioud of two mmonth(the period of segregation), during which they conducte relationships specifiein minute detailed by the law, whic laid down their mutua duties. At the end of this period, before returningto the city, th lover presented his beloved wit a militar kit (th sign of his entry into the adult community."

Spartans thought that love and erotic relationships between experienced and novice soldiers would solidify combat loyalty and unit cohesion, and encourage heroic tactics as men vied to impress their lovers. Once the younger soldiers reached maturity, the relationship was supposed to become non-sexual, but it is not clear how strictly this was followed. There was some stigma attached to young men who continued their relationships with their mentors into adulthood. For example, Aristophanes calls them euryprôktoi, meaning "wide arses", and depicts them like women. The Theban Band, a military of male couples, may have been organized according to the same idea.

The sexual and romantic relationship between males were not recorded explicitly by Iliad or Odyssey, however, on a closer inspection, Homer described that the emotional intensity in male friendships is stronger and more extreme than the bonds and solidarity between comrades in army.

Ancient Rome
It was socially acceptable for a freeborn Roman man to want sex with both female and male partners, as long as he took the penetrative role. See Homosexuality in ancient Rome. The morality of the behavior depended on the social standing of the partner, not his sex per se. Both women and young men were considered normal objects of desire, but outside marriage a man was supposed to act on his desires only with slaves, prostitutes (who were often slaves), and the infames. Sex did not determine whether a man's sexual partner was acceptable, but it was considered immoral to have sex with another freeborn man's wife, his marriageable daughter, his underage son, or with the man himself; sexual use of another man's slave was subject to the owner's permission. Lack of self-control, including in managing one's sex life, indicated that a man was incapable of governing others; too much indulgence in "low sensual pleasure" threatened to erode the elite male's identity as a cultured person.

Ancient China
See also: Homosexuality in China

In Ancient China, there are many historical records about same sex relationship between upperclass people. Although the writings on sexuality in literatures and historical records in ancient China are often allusive and implicitly implied, using phrases and words only recognizable for people who are familiar with the literary culture and background. Words like "Long Yang (龙阳 lóngyáng）" and “male trend (男風; nánfēng)” are created to describe men who engaged in sexual or romantic relationship with men. Although women's same sex relationship are less recorded compared to men's, some researchers believe that societa attitude towards same sex relationship between women are more stable coompared to that of men's. People who engage in sexual or romantic relationship with the same sex typically also engage in heterosexual relationship. For example, emperors who have male lovers also have female concubines and offsprings. In addition, the concept of sexual identity was not present in ancient China before Western's introduction of the idea.  People who engage in sexual or romantic relationship with the same sex typically also engage in heterosexual relationship. For example, emperors who have male concubines also have female concubines and offsprings. In addition, the concept of sexual identity was not present in ancient China before Western's introduction of the idea.

Han Dynasty (202 B.C.- A.D. 189)
Many emperors in Han Dynasty had more than one male sex partners in addition to their female concubines, as recorded in the earliest standard history of ancient China Shi Ji written by Sima Qian, (lso known as the Records of the Grand Historians) The book recorded the sexual relationship between the emperors and his male courtier in Chapter 125, "The Biographies of the Emperoro's Male Favorites". As researcher Joseph Wong pointed out in his essay "Bisexuality in Early Imperial China", Sima Qian recorded the following text: "...it is not women alone who can use their looks to attract the eyes of the rulers; courtiers and eunuchs can play at that game as well. Many were the men of ancient times who gained favor in this way."

His texts regarding the same sex experience between men who are emperors and their male courtiers showed that the homosexual relationship was relatively typical in Han Dynasty between men. One example that produced the word that describe homosexual relationship Duànxiù, or "breaking the sleeve" happened between The Han Emperor Ai and his male lover Dongxian (董賢). Emperor Ai was so devoted to his male lover that attempted to pass the throne on to him. When Emperor Ai had to leave early in the morning, the Emperor carefully cut off his sleeve, not to wake up Dongxian, who had fallen asleep on top of it. People in China will imitate the cutting of sleeves to express their loves to same sex lovers.

Wei and Jin Dynasties and the Waring States
One of the most well-known historical stories about same sex relationship in ancient China is the story of "YuTao (余桃 yútáo)", the "leftover peach" is documented in the Intrigues of the Warring Sates. The book is a collection of political idioms and historical stories written by Han Fei (280 - 233 BC), a Chinese philosopher. Han Fei recorded this story between Mi Zixia (彌子瑕) and Duke Ling of Wei (衛靈公). His male lover Mi found a very sweet peach in the garden, after tasting it, he shared the remaining half with Emperor Ling.

Sui and Tang Dynasties (A.D. 581 - A.D. 907)
As more Western and Central Asia visitors came to China during Tang Dynasty, China became increasingly influenced by the sexual moral conducts of foreigners. Female companions of emperors began accumulating political power which only male companions could gain in the past. Same sex relationship became more allusive and less recorded in Tang Dynasty. From the beginning of Tang Dynasty, stories about female same sex companions between buddhists and taoists nuns was first discovered. Famous Chinese sexologist and physician Ruan Fangfu argued that same sex companionship between women was considered inevitable and tolerated, and some time encouraged, in some polygamous families.

The Development of Discourse on Bisexuality
According to Dutch anthropologist Gert Hekma (link), the term bisexual was used in Dutch for the first time in 1877, it refers to a hermaphrdite who have their sexual career as both a heterosexual woman and a heterosexual man. Later, the term bisexuality is used to represent both the double sexual-object choice and androgyny. (Hekma) In 19th century, Bisexuality became a term with at least three different yet interconnected meanings. In the field of biology and anatomy, it refer to biological organism that are sexually undifferentiated between male and female. By early 20th century, in the field of psychology, bisexuality is used to describe a combination of masculinity and femininity in people psychologically instead of biologically. In late 20th century, particularly since the AIDS epidemic, bisexuality is seen as a form of sexual attraction to both male and female in a pathological sense. Therefore, the contemporary history of bisexuality involved many intellectual, conceptual and sociocultural changes. (Gagnon, Greenblat, Kimmel)Biologists and psychologists including Sigmund Freud and Alfred Kinsey provided some important framework in forming the concept of bisexuality.

Freudian theory
In 1905, Sigmund Freud, the founder of psychoanalysis, published his work Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality. In the book, he argued that bisexuality was the original sexual orientation for human. Freud established his theory on a biological development basis that in the pregenital phase, children do not distinguish between sexes, but assume both parents have the same genitalia and reproductive powers.(Angelides 56) When children reach the phallic stage, at which point gender identity became ascertainable, heterosexuality becomes the result of repression. According to Freud, during the phallic stage, children developed an Oedipus complex where they had sexual fantasies for the parent ascribed the opposite gender and hatred for the parent ascribed the same gender, and this hatred transformed into (unconscious) transference and (conscious) identification with the hated parent who both exemplified a model to appease sexual impulses and threatened to castrate the child's power to appease sexual impulses. In 1913, Carl Jung proposed the Electra complex as he both believed that bisexuality did not lie at the origin of psychic life, and that Freud did not give adequate description to the female child (Freud rejected this suggestion).[29]

Kinsey Report (Insert pic and link of scale)
In 1948, American biologist Alfred C. Kinsey published a book on human sexual behaviors, Sexual Behavior in the Human Male, which is widely known as the "Kinsey Report". Kinsey and his team conducted 1,600 of interviews (Haeberle) with people about their sexual histories. Kinsey rejected the notion of a clear-cut line between different sexualities. Instead of assigning people to different categories of sexualities, Kinsey and his colleagues developed a seven-level Kinsey scale (link)(citation to Kinsey) that considered people between K=1 and K=5 as "ambisexual" or "bisexual". According to Kinsey Institute, the books Kinsey published sold nearly a million copies around the world and were influential in revolutionizing the public perception of sexuality. (Citation)