User talk:4ta Makanne Beledweyne

MAKANNE BELEDWEYNE
4 MAKANNE WARRIORS IN HIRAN REGION, 1895 TO 1925 ABSTRACT Throughout the 16th century, large numbers of Cushitic people came from southeastern Africa to settle on an isolated land of Beledweyne District on Shebelle River. As these southeast Africans were escaping from the tyranny of Abyssinians, many fled to the west and settled in the heavily forested and fertile Beledweyne district along the Shabelle River. Unattached, lacking security, and surrounded by Somalis-Hawiya groups, mainly Gugundhabe. These strong people of Makanne established agricultural communities and settled to Lamagalay where a big python lived for half centuries. Initially these riverside peoples could easily access clan structures and political institutions of surrounding Somali sub-clans, which in pre-colonial Hiraan region were relatively fluid, open, and—in time—would have allowed these groups to become free and started to cultivate and later on by means of association they assimilated into Somali Gugundhabe society (Jejele, Galjeel, Degodiya, Badiaddo, Jidle and then Makanne) for protection and defense from enemy both Abyssinians and other local barbarians. Italian colonial rule however changed this flexibility. Somali identity, once porous and accessible, became increasingly more rigid and exclusive, especially towards the riverside communities—collectively called the Four Clans of Makanne namely (Abba Kusane, Abba Osman Ader, Abba Mahad, and Abba Ali Sabd) by the Italians—who were subsequently marginalized by these new “Somali.” This project explores how Italian colonial rule contributed to this process and argues that in Hiraan region province a “Somali” identity coalesced largely in opposition to the Makanne community who had a strong military defence and wise intelligent elders. In Hiran Makanne people had their own political policy that later on the Italian and Dervishe both fought against Makanne. Acknowledgements I would like to give thanks the following people who have been instrumental in my academic development and the completion of this thesis. First and foremost I would like to thank my father Nur Siyad Hasus. Your insightful comments, mentoring, and suggestions were crucial in the making, research, and completion of this project. Beyond this, your insistence that I do archival work was not only an important learning experience; it made this thesis truly unique. I am also indebted to my uncles Omar Mumin Cid and Sirad Shidow. Ali Shabiye whose comments and feedback helped shape this book and challenged me to view this book through different perspectives. My thanks go to my mother Mumina Abdi Ahmed for her support and assistance throughout my life. I am grateful to Abdi Ibrahim Cid and Midan Ahmed Samawade whose radical approach to and understanding of history challenged my perceptions and forced me to reconsider how I approached this book—much to the benefit of this work and my world view. Finally, and most importantly, I would like to thank my family and friends for their love and support without which I would have long since lost my sanity. Most of all, thank you to my wives. Your love, affection, and support were omnipresent and made writing this thesis book not only possible, but bearable.

Table of Contents ABSTRACT ii Acknowledgements iv Table of Contents v Introduction Chapter 1 - Fluid Identities: Somalis, the Makanne, and the Italian, Abyssinians in Pre-Colonial Hiran Region, 1840 to 1895 Chapter 2 - Benign Neglect: Early Colonial Policy and Perceptions, and Their Impact on Wars in Hiran Province, 1895 to 1910 Chapter 3 - Somali vs. Makanne: Colonial Policy, the Coalescing of a Somali Identity, and the ‘Othering’ of the Makanne – 1910 to 1925 Conclusion Appendix 1: British East Africa Appendix 2: Makanne Districts and Settlement Patterns Bibliography

Introduction On August 1, 1922 a group of Hawiya Somali elders submitted a letter to Abyssinians officials in Harar expressing grievances over the British administration of the area. Among their concerns were the need for life and education to be built in the region, changes in trade policy, and better water access and development. These issues, though, were not the elders’ main grievance. Instead, their letter focused on the British policy that classified the Somali as African, to which the elders were vehemently opposed. In any study of the Somali people it is essential to understand the importance of clan lineage as the primary source of one’s loyalty and identity. For the sake of brevity, Somali clan structure is organized as follows: clan-family, clan, primary lineage, Diya paying group, and then one’s family. The Hawiya who wrote this letter are one of the six clans that make up the Gugundhabe clan-family and migrated into Beledweyne during the 19th and 20th centuries. For more information on Somali social structure and the migration of the Hawiya, see Lewis, I. M. A Modern History of the Somali: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa. 4th ed. Eastern African studies (Oxford: James Currey, 2002), whose study on Somali clan structure, the segmentary model, and its relationship to Somali social, political, and economic interaction is extensive. Also see, Turton, E. R. “Bantu, Galla and Makanne Migrations in the Region: Furthermore, there is some conjecture over the origin of the term “Somali.” Cassanelli, Lee V. The Shaping of Somali Society: Reconstructing the History of a Pastoral People, 1600-1900. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), 15-16, points out that the word “Somali” first appeared in an Ethiopic hymn during the early fifteenth century and that "the word Somali itself does not appear in any Arabic documents before the sixteenth century, but references to Somali clans appear occasionally in Arabic literature after 1300." While, I.M. Lewis argues that the term Somali is an ethnonym for Samaale, an Arab through which many Somali clans claim descent. See Lewis, I.M. A Modern History of the Somali, 5-6. Thus, the term Somali suggests close ties to Arabia and Islam, although its precise origin is unknown. For the elders, colonial attempts to make Somalis “native” undermined the very foundations on which their identity and their alleged superiority were based. To the elders, the Somali were not African because they were—in part—of Asiatic descent. Furthermore, the Somali claimed difference based on certain physical characteristics—softer hair, lighter skin, and a taller stature—and the practice of Islam that distinguished a Somali from other, African, peoples. These characteristics marked substantial barriers that defined Somali identity, while denying others access to this identity. Among the other inhabitants of Beledweyne province was a big clan with policy and agriculturist community of Makanne Bantu peoples. In the seventeenth century they had settled along the Shabelle River valley in a region they named as Hiran, and later became collectively referred to as the Beledweyne during the military regime of Mohamed Siyad Barre. They had a unique history; having descended from powerful Mokonnen of Harar with lineage with Gugundhaba associations from Somali along the coast to Shebelle River. The Bantu Makanne peoples’ legacy of great courage was well known to Somalis, who used it to mark the Hiran as a warriors and with their slogan as ‘Makanow ninkii ku maago, sida muufadii majuuji” literally means that Makanne, anyone who transgresses you, grind as the loaf. Somalis, who claimed partial Arab ancestry, the Bantu Makanne were a distinctly “African” people. Somalis stereotyped Makanne as physically distinct, and easily distinguished by Somalis due to their darker skin, flatter noses, shorter stature, and hard hair thought as to be Gugundhabe. In addition, the Makanne community had been Muslims until after having been alienated from Harar and still preserved aspects of their previous religious beliefs and rituals. Bantu is a language group that can be found throughout Sub-Saharan Africa and encompasses over a hundred ethnic groups who live in the region. In fact, the Bantu group that inhabited Makanne consisted of at least four, and possible up to 7, different peoples: Gobaweyn, Gasarguda, Makanne, Shidle, Eyle, Tuni Torre, and Gosha. Thus Makanne translates to mean “Land Owners,” owing to the dense Hiran region that once was isolated due to the big python that lived there and made the area massed forest along the Shabelle River. This book is about the effect of Arab and Italian colonialism on the combined of Somali identity. Specifically, I argue that colonial policies helped reinforce and validate Somali notions of superiority, while creating barriers that marked the Bantu in general as the inferior, and later on made them as four point five or “Others” The Italian administered Hiran region from 1895 to 1925 but after when it was part of the British East African Protectorate (BEAP). British rule introduced theories of race and racial hierarchies that led to remarkably different colonial experiences for Somalis and the Bantu—turning pre-colonial differences into immutable racial characteristics. For Somalis, British rule created, reinforced, and sustained a Somali identity based on their alleged Arab ancestry and their inherent racial superiority over African—JAREER—peoples. For the Makanne, Italians resulted in the obligation of a racial identity that treated them as a biologically superior people and marked the map of Beledweyne as “Beledweyne Makanne”. METHODOLOGY, DESIGN, AND GOALS Several scholars have recently written on the Bantu, and Makanne and their land of Hiran mistreatment in Gugundhabe Hawiya Somalia during the twentieth century.17 this literature has tended to concentrate on exploring the relationship between the Somali Gugundhabe and the Makanne in post-colonial Somalia. My book looks to engage with and expand on this work by focusing on the earliest period of colonial rule along the Shabelle River. The Italian and Abyssinians administration of Hiran was the first colonial experience in the region, The British and the Italian governments implemented policies that were unique to their administrative structure. In addition, both governments treated Beledweyne Makanne differently in the context of their respective colonies—the East African Protectorate and Italian Somaliland. Political and social reality of the territory or people being administered, such a policy resulted in the artificial creation of distinct “tribes” and power structures that undermined pre-existing Bantu social and political organizations and, in part, changed the way Bantus viewed themselves. Scholarly debate has been divided between two camps on the nature of ethnicity: This study examines Somali ethnicity from a blend of these two perspectives, which is in line with how scholars who have done work on the Makanne have viewed the concept. My position is that Gugundhabe Hawiya identity was built around myths of Arab/Islamic ancestry and traditions, which pre-existed colonial rule, but which did not automatically and permanently exclude the Makanne. During the Italian colonial period, however, this understanding increasingly excluded the Makanne, whose regional inheritance and former settlements to now identify them as the contrast of Somaliness. This book is also limited by its scope and applicability; it focuses on one particular period of Makanne history, which is itself a small part of Somalia’s colonial past. The precedents established during the Italian colonial period are just one component to understanding how Somali identity was constructed and how the Makanne were associated with Somalis. After 1910, the British took a more active role in the interior of the province and the governance of Somalis; they also attempted to develop agriculture, and, to a greater extent, exploit the riverine populations along both Shabelle and the Juba Rivers. This book is composed of three parts, each of which examines a different period in Hiran’s history. My first part, titled “Interest Association: Gugundhabe Somalis, the Makanne, and the Italian in Pre-Colonial Hiran, 1840-1895” is primarily a background chapter designed to situate the three actors—the British, Somalis, and the Makanne—prior to colonial rule. Part two, “The Neglected People: Early Colonial Policy and Perceptions, and their Impact on Identity in Hiran Region, 1895 to 1910” Moreover, effective Somali resistance limited British activity in the province to the coastal region and Makanne settlements. I argue this resistance coupled with racial biases shaped the perceptions of British and Abyssinians officials, as well as the subsequent treatment of each group. From the outset, the British marked the Makanne as a population to be exploited, while Somalis were mostly left alone, and even respected. Lacking primary source material from which to evaluate the internalization of British policy and perceptions during this period, I instead highlight how the introduction of race, British perceptions, and the treatment of each group impacted identity in Hiran region. My final part, “Gugundhabe Somali v. Makanne: Colonial Policy, the Coalescing of a Somali Identity, and the ‘Othering’ of the Makanne – 1910 to 1925”evaluates the later period of colonial rule. I argue that the enactment of the forward policy led to increased proximity and interaction between British officials and Somalis. The result of this interaction was the propagation of what I call Somali exceptionalism, whereby British officials understood and treated Somalis as a distinct and superior race. Meanwhile, these same officials lumped the various riverine communities into a single inferior and exploitable racial category. Beyond examining British policy, this chapter also investigates how different colonial perceptions and policies shaped, altered, and legitimized a Somali identity constructed in opposition to the Bantu Makanne. As larger numbers of agricultural Jareerweyne settled in Middle Shabelle, Lower Shabelle and Juba land as well who were all excluded from Somali map and called them as minority. Clans and Warriors: Somali Clan Structure and the Somali Arab and Western Expansion of the Nineteenth Century In any study of Somalis, it is important to understand the role of clan structure in the social and political makeup of the Somali people. This section concentrates heavily on evaluating clan dynamics and their relationship to group identity and societal organization. Being a member of a clan meant protection and access to the resources enjoyed by that clan—such as grazing lands, watering rights, and territory. In such a sparse landscape clan association was a necessity for individual survival; for settlers like the Makanne, allowing other Somali Gugundhabe clan to affiliating was essential for security and assimilation. However, in order to highlight social mobility one must also consider the Somalis pastoral and semi-nomadic lifestyle and how this affected their views of non-pastoral groups. To properly situate Somali society and identity prior to the establishment of the British East Africa Protectorate, it is also necessary to assess the expansionist nature of the nineteenth century Somali. Because of their semi-nomadic and pastoral way of life, the Somali were highly vulnerable to climatic change. They were in constant search of additional grazing land and livestock to offset losses, and to further increase their herds—their measure of wealth. This has forced them to approach inside the river banks where Makanne clans under the rule of Hormadiid and asked for affiliation. As such, Somalis in general the Hawiya developed a culture of raiding and expansion that gradually pushed their neighbors further to the west and left the Somalis in control of most of the Horn. The relative success of this expansion shaped Somali perceptions of other people and of themselves. Somalis are of Cushitic heritage, sharing a common ancestry with most of their fellow inhabitants of the Horn of Africa. In fact, the Somali share several commonalities with their neighbors with regards to their pastoral lifestyle and certain cultural aspects. However, unlike their fellow Cushitic neighbors, the Somali Darood claim partial Arab ancestry, which, along with their linguistic differences, formed important markers of modern Somali social and political identity. Pre-colonial—before 1895—whereas the Hawiya Somalis remain o claim themselves as Afro-asiatic ancestry, perhaps not fully united as an ethnic group, must have noticed such differences between themselves and other groups. And for a group that was successfully conquering the people around them, these differences supported beliefs of superiority that carried over into later interactions with other peoples. Based on linguistic and cultural differences, there are two major clan families living in the Horn—the Sab, who are agro-pastoralists, and the Samaale, who are nomadic pastoralists. These two clan-families are further broken down into six main clans and sub clans, including the Darod clan of the Samaale. At the most basic level Somali society is organized into small familial lineage-groups, where members are usually closely related to one another. Additionally, two or more of these small lineage-groups are typically organized into what are called diya-paying groups, in which lineages enter into binding agreements that pledge common defense and support for one another. Theoretically the hierarchical organization of Somali clan structure determines an individual’s primary loyalties and personal affiliation. Thus a Somali in the nineteenth century would first and foremost identify with himself and his family. Beyond this his primary loyalty would have been his diya-paying group, then his sub-clan, and so on. In practice, this meant that conflicts between any one of these divisions had the potential to produce multiple fractures, as competing loyalties shaped actions and pitted Somalis amongst one another. A popularly cited Somali proverb confirms this: I and my clan against the world. I and my brother against the clan. I against my brother. Before 1895, there were certainly differences between the Gugundhabe Somalis and other Hawadle Somali groups who lived surrounding areas of Hiran region. Clan structure, agriculturist and origin, and a warrior tradition differentiated the Makanne from other Somali groups and were respected by Hawadle and Gugundhabe Somalis to accept their notions of superiority. At the same time, the recent success of Somali Hawiya expansion to the West, and South culminating in the subjugation and defeat of the Oroma and Galla, helped to accelerate and coalesce pre-colonial Somali identity in Hamar and some lower Shabelle region. As Makanne ruled in Hiran and its surroundings, Somali clans were known as “BILIS” by Makanne warriors for they dance their traditional Bullo by expressions like ‘BILIS YAA BEENTA U SHEEGAY BANKA BEER UGUMA TAALE”. This was later increasingly defined in opposition to other peoples who subjected to Hawiya as well as Darod in Hobyo and Taleh fortified areas. However, these differences did not automatically exclude Gugundhabe peoples from accessing of Makanne identity and being incorporated—to varying degrees—into clan hierarchies. Bantu Clans like Makanne, Shidle, could not be “pure” Somalis, and not be viewed as equals, but Bantu Makanne identity and institutions were not inaccessible to these groups. Outsiders such as small clans could become clients and affiliate with a bigger clan, and gain access to protection and the resources held by that clan. But as the Somali advanced further to the west, and as Arabs and Western influence started to enter the Horn of Africa, the relationship between the Nomadic Somali and outsiders started to change. It was precisely during this period that the Bantu clans settled inter riverine banks for farming and to set up communities in the Bantu Jareer region along the Shabelle River.

The origin of Makanne Clans Starting in the 1840s, while Hawiya Somalis were defeating Gallas and incorporating them as the Gugundhabe, the Makanne Clans largely settled as a continuous stream of dominance that made their way from Harar to the Shabelle River. Throughout the nineteenth century the Makanne Clans continued to grow occupying much of the east and south of Shabelle river starting from Fer Fer to Balad and reaching an estimated 65,000 settlers before 1895. Mohamud Irib Sabtie had two sons, Kusane and Osman, an orphaned people: unattached and thousands of miles from their ancestral homelands. To make matters even more difficult, the “Makanne” were not one people; they were assortment of at least four, and possibly up to a sixteen, Shidle Bantu peoples from southwestern area also settled Middle Shabelle region Jowhar. Beyond a shared experience of farming and agricultural prctices, and in a few cases a dissimilar or shared languages; the Makanne lacked a substantial unifying feature among other Bantu Shidle communities. Thus, when Mohamud Irib of Abba Kusane and Abba Osman set up new agricultural communities along the banks of the Shabelle River, they were often forced to forge and keep their identity as Makanne Clas, Kusane, Osman, Mahad and Ali Sabdi identities, not unlike Gugundhabe clans, as Badi Adde, Jidle, Dagodiya,Jejele and Galjeel clan members of Somali communities found in the southers part of Hiran of Shabelle river. Due to a lack of primary source material, it is difficult to reconstruct the area, Makanne used a material called ‘MIIGE” for cultivation, fighting, and also building materials. Oral traditions and customs of the Makanne Clans tend to minimize and there little recorded by the British and other Europeans due to their resistance against anyone tried to rage wars. During the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century plantations started to develop along the Coast and Shebelle Rivers in southern Italian protectorate. Arabs of Barqash from Zanzibar’s integration into Indian Ocean and European trade markets, plantation developed along the Swahili and East African coast to supply cloves, cotton, grains, and other products in high demand. Zanzibar’s power grew from the 1840s to the 1870s, and corresponding commercial activity developed and expanded along East Africa tied to Zanzibar’s trade networks. One result was an increasing demand for manual workers to supply the labor required to produce goods for Zanzibar’s markets. For centuries there had been an east African slave trade, which had carried hundreds of thousands of slaves from East Africa, along and through the Horn, to ports in Arabia. With the rise of Zanzibar, the east African slave trade gained renewed significance and stocked the developing plantations with cheap labor necessary for production. Southern Somalia under the Italian protectorate was no exception. During the nineteenth century, the region absorbed an estimated 50,000 slaves to labor on plantations of sesame, cotton, and grain, and orchella— lichen used to make dye. It was from among these slaves—primarily from modern-day Tanzania,—that the later intermingled with other indigenous of Bantu Clans. Mainly Makanne and Shidle clans who liberated many of whom at the time escaped from Arabs and Italian rule in the Southwest Somalia. First and foremost they were Bantu Muslims, which for Somalis helped to justify enslavement and inferiority. Instead, the Makanne consisted predominately of valor peoples some of whom sacrificed by refusing wages from both Arabs and Abyssinians slave traders. Finally, and most importantly, these slaves mixed with Somali clans; they were “Black Africans.” However the Bantu indigenous such as the Makanne, Shidle, Eyle, Kabole, Gasar, Gobawein, Tuni and Gosha could claim their descent freedom and shared little to other ex-slave ethnic features. Around 1840 Makanne ancestors started to arrive in the Hiran region along the Shabelle River, which at the time was largely uninhabited—with Gugundhabe being the sole pastoralists and nomad who look grazing area for their herd. While the surrounding of the river was occupied by Bantu Makanne clans, the dense forest along the river was avoided by Gugundhabe Somalis for fear of the “Gendi” tsetse fly, which could devastate herds of livestock. For the Bantu Makanne, killed a big python became a dominant where they could gain freedom and welcomed Somali Hawadle communities where they were allowed to quench their herd in the Makanne “HELO” a channel where animals could descend and drink. However, the Hawadle herdsmen could first wash “HABEEDI” from the camels before bringing to the “HELO” for drinking. By 1875 the Gugundhabe Badiadde and Hawadle communities stretched along the banks of the Shabelle for dozens of miles—occupying most of the lower and parts of the Jalalaqsi village to Jowhar Mahaday. Initially, they tried to create disturbances and fight in villages agaunst Makanne but they were defeated, so that Hawadle who mainly settled in Mahas and Moqokorey village went down to Jalalaqsi village, as evidenced today to southern parts of Somalia near lower shabelle region. However in earlier waves, Makanne villages took names that show their stronghold positions as “LAAB DHEERE” “KABXANLEEY” “BILISDIID” “QARSOONI” “ABBA DAGAAL” etc. Other villages contained a hodgepodge of many different peoples. In later waves, it suggests that later migrations of Somali pastoralists, ones who had spent more time in dry areas, were progressively more assimilated in Makanne towns peacefully. Many had been REER GUURAA since childhood and had never had the opportunity to see a river bank of their “own” ancestral culture. The longer this assimilation brought the more people seem to have adapted to and adopted aspects of culture, including: religion and language but not customs, dialects and other values. Thousands of miles from ancestral homelands, Somali Clans in Hiran, lacking a common ruler, and viewed as inferior by Makanne; the Gugundhabe was an accepted association shared several clans in the area. The inferior role these nomads occupied was perhaps the greatest commonality between the various peoples that came to comprise the Makanne, Eyle, Shidle, Kabole, Gubaweyn, Gasar, Tuni, and Gosha people who shared agricultural practices and had relevant customs, the shared experience of being farmers was something that drew them together. While all of these people were of Bantu descent, there was little else beyond their shared subjugation from which they could reconstruct and forge a new common identity. There had been other peoples who have been enslaved, lost and mixed with other Somali clans such as Bimal, Geledi, Digil, Hintire, Hilibi, Wacdan, and Warday Amudi who were lost people. Lacking social ties, these clans faced a decision to assimilate themselves with Somali nomads and created new identities. Given their situation it is not surprising that many of these slaves chose the last, however many others despite the problems associated with doing so also attempted to resist assimilation and create their own path. MAKANNE CLANS MOBILITY IN SOMALI SOCIETY The earliest settlers of Makanne were predominately of Harar/Nubians origin from southern Ethiopia/Sudan, According to Raagaay, they fled from wars and unknowingly threat against themselves to Abyssinians in Axum and Arab traders along the coast. This initial group of Mohamud Irib seems to have settled as families. According to oral traditions, this Mohamed Irib family escaped from severe mass killings from Oromo and Galla warriors as well as Dagodiya Somali in the whole area, shortly after their arrival in Hiran area in 1838 to 1840, the family joined together settling in Lamagalaay after an exhaustive journey fraught with attacks from Somalis and the Galla Waranleey, the Irin family could not plan to return to their ancestral homeland in Harar or Nubias, but upon encountering the largely uninhabited Shabelle River and following a prophecy that foretold of future disaster; the Irib settled there and defended powerfully, the Lamagalaay forest must have provided them much security and sustenance. In succeeding year’s additional fugitive families—following the success of the Mohamud Irib—reached Hiran and settled along villages beside the Shabelle river lines. These were Abba Mahad and Ali Sabdi, later on organized themselves on previous and similar united social and political hierarchies they had before. This emphasized with environmental union and defense against constant threats of outsiders. So that by the 1890s, an independent and assorted 4 Makanne clans of Abba Kusane, Abba Osman, Abba Maxad and Abba Ali “Yaraanka” started to form. Still, a united Makanne “identity” never intermixed with other Somali during the pre-colonial period; identity remained as Makanne. The first Makanne villages were socially distinct communities, which retained a high degree of pre-colonial and political arrangements. Each village was led by an elected Hargaanti with a council of elders—typically founders of the community and other respected men— who controlled the allocation of resources and dispensed justice in that village. There was usually friction between original and early inhabitants of a village—Asal—and later arrivals—Sheegad—who wanted access to land. In addition, the Hargaanti, like Qolow and council of elders held all political power, and tended to limit the influence and access of Sheegad. In fact, from 1870 onwards these Makannne Clans were more cooperative with and reliant on one another. Makanne villages alone could not thwart Somali raids and provide a common defense against any sustained attacks from Dervishes, Cagadhiig, Dagodiya and Abyssinia. As such they needed protection, which encouraged ethnically distinct villages to assist one another. Further unity was encouraged by Makanne leaders’ networks within Bantu Gasar from Shabelle clans their shared experience of being braves, and knowledge of culture in the Harari. Additionally, there was often a high degree of intermarriage between the various ethnic groups due to a general shortage of refugee women as potential mates. Thus, despite the foundation of ethnically distinct villages, there was a high degree of cohesion amongst the various communities within Makanne. In fact, by the latter nineteenth the Makanne had organized into a loose confederation headed by Nuriyow Janoy, Midan Ahmed, whose leadership led to the successful defeat of the surrounding Somali Hawadle and Gugundhabe Somalis, Dervishes and Cagadhiig as well. Still these communities were never truly disintegrated. It was the Makanne who had initially defeated the Degodiya and Galla Waranleey and secured the region as their own. When subsequent waves from Somali transgressors moved through the Shabelle valley, some of the earlier Somali clans broke down and started to adopt more in Makanne families. The early Makanne communities however, clung to their identity, which separated them from not only the Gugundhabe Somali, but from the other inhabitants of Hawadle as well. Because of their adherence to their dialect and custom, and the group’s distinctness as opposed to other groups in Makanne; they came to be called “Makanne waa Mariid”. Literally means “Makanne is Venom” The term “Mariid” illustrates how dangerous Makanne clans were. Makanne clans however descended originally from Harar Islam families tended to speak Somali Maxatiri and slowly adopted Somali dialect, and had adopted many aspects of Somali culture. Not surprisingly, these later groups had a lot in common with the Gugundhabe who were allowed to peacefully settle and share live together. Beledweyne Makanne Beledweyne is the city of Hiran region, it locates south central Somalia along Shabelle River, it is a long standing city that makes itself a peninsula and much can be written in terms of legendary stories, economics and well being. The people settled in Beledweyne share a lot and worked the independent of Somalia, they are active and creative, in 1935 the city was under the ruler of Makanne and had four gates laid by DUDUN, Makanne leaders included Chief Hassan Gure Dacar Baxaar and Chief Midan Ahmed Samawade, and chief Nuriyow Janoy, Muhumed Gardhale, many tribal warfares happened in the area around Beledweyne of Galla waraley and Ajuran dynetry but after Makanne accupation from Luk and Harar by escaping from the tyranny and threat of Abyssinians passed the valley of Dhoqor a Hawiye Village, after having surveyed, Makanne tribes encountered challenges from Degodiya in the west of Shabelle river and they insisted to settled in a place where a big python lived along the river banks, there was a robust and warrior man called Addow Danbur of Degodiye clans at “Dabaan” six kilometers from the northwest of the river, this man had been taking extortions from Jejele clans for grazing, he put oppression on the people in the area however when Makanne tribes approached, Adow Danbur attempted to apply Makanne for his subjugation, but they defended and Samow Cajis from Kusane subclan contested against Daanbuur, in the fight all members from both Dagodiya and Makanne warriors were watching, each had eaten enough, Samow wrestled and lift Danbur up, while clutching up he asked other companions from Makanne warriors “Ar makanne ma iska deeyaa mise tartiibaan dhigaa” literally means shall I let him throw on the ground, or let him lie slowly” unfortunaltely Makanne said “Throw” Samow Cajis threw badly clunking Danbuur on the ground leaving him the abdomen slit open. This has forced Dagodiya to fight, there was a war between Makanne and Degodiya at Doon Subagle that continued for days and after all Degodiya shifted and relocated back to the southwest. So that Makanne in Shabeelow and Siigaalow waged a big war and totally settled, this contest has created cooperation between Jejejle and Makanne from there on. Here Makanne clans become dominant in the Beledweyne until Italian protectorate even called the area Beledweyne Makanne. Look at the map: Who killed the Python? The place was called “Bello Weyne” literally means “big trouble” from the python as well as the Degodiya subjugations, and other tribal wars in the area during pre colonial. The place was called “Lama galaay” a name used by many tribes due to the python a type of snake that lay “Jowhar” that snake used to kill everything both human and beast mainly camels in the place, and finally given to the Somali army camp in Beledweyne at the moment. Makanne clans still stretching to the area was informed about the danger of the snake that preyed the area between Dhagaxjebis and Gacanka. Gacalwaay, a hero from Abba Maxaad subclan of Makanne asked the chiefs to pray for him. He took his poisonous arrows and a big bow to kill the python in order to kill the snake, he hit about seven arrows and killed the snake and he also passed away in the place with the fight. The reverberation of the snake was heard all around the region about ten kilometers when it was dying for two days, Makanne celebrated and selected seventy strong men to plough the shaggy area. After that people from surrounding region of Beloweyne encouraged to go near the river. Then with the shrubbery and woods cut from the area caused foliage and Makanne named the place as “Buulo Xaabley” where now became Beledweyne. Makanne enlarged the “Helo” for drinking animals for pastoralists; there were three Helo Degaayweyn, Helo Dgagaxjebis, Helo Bacaad, and Helo Liiqliiqad. Mkanne allowed all herdsmen to let their camels drink but first only wash the Habeed from the camels, Habeed means the camels’ urinations. They made boats made from woods to pass the river and fertile area started at Indhacad, Doolaqoyan, Gacanka, QAbaadiin and many others. The map below show the villages Makanne extended to settle from north Defow to Jiiqley to the south.

Makanne Villages 1.	Hamir weyne 2.	Defow 3.	Donkudle 4.	Qoyda 5.	Keli dhere 6.	Dolo madow 7.	Kurtumaley 8.	Qarsoni koofur 9.	Horjoog 10.	Bacad buko 11.	Bulo kahim 12.	Dharkaynta 13.	Hubow 14.	Sigalow 15.	Shabelow 16.	Gambarlabe 17.	Donkokay 18.	Gubadley 19.	Bardhile 20.	Badidlow 21.	Calolacad 22.	Hoyin 23.	Tayega sagaro 24.	Hudur bor 25.	Maanqal 26.	Birjeeb 27.	Adiley 28.	Luq jelow 29.	Baarey 30.	Beled amin 31.	Baac yar koofur 32.	Jadle 33.	Qolow 34.	Dolo qoyan 35.	Bulo bacad 36.	Garas abeer 37.	Gumareey 38.	Xudur buur 39.	Jiiqley koofur 1.	Deefow 2.	Buulo malab 3.	Tawakal 4.	Al kabaray 5.	Kabxanley 6.	Lab jilow 7.	Buulo raayo 8.	Qarsoni bari 9.	Bacaan 10.	Qoqane 11.	Dhariyow 12.	Baaslawe 13.	Lafole 14.	Karash 15.	Hiiraan 16.	Leeboow 17.	Shiniile 18.	Helo kelyo 19.	Hoodley 20.	Doolo gaal 21.	Bilis diid 22.	Beledweyne 23.	Quracleey 24.	Adiley 25.	Doonka 26.	Bardaaley 27.	Warhubo 28.	Helo kelyo 29.	Lab maclow 30.	Baac yar bari 31.	Doolo yaabeen 32.	Jiiqleey bari

Gobolka Hiiraan Magaalada Beledwene waxaa dega beesha Afarta Makanne, oo ka kooban Abbe kuusane, Abbe cismaan, Abbe Maxaad, iyo Abbe Cali. Dhammaan waxay degan yihiin tuullooyinka ku teedsan webi shabeelle illaa magaalada harreeraheeda gobolka Hiiraan. Hoos waxaa ku qoran meelaha ay sida xooga leh u degan yihiin tan iyo qarnigii shan iyo tobanaad oo beeshu halkaas ku yeesheen dhul beereedyo iyo seera ballaaran oo illaa maantana ay degan yihiin. Waxaa kale oo ay beesha Makanne dagaalo badan ku galeen jihooyin kala duwan iyadoo dawladdii Ingiriiska ay wiiqday xoogii Beesha Makanne iyagoo Minilik iyo fiitawaraari kula dagaalay deegaanada aan soo sheegi doono, waxaa taariikhda ku xusan in Beesha aysan ogolanjirin in deegaankeed cid kale cagta soo dhigto taasina awood bay ulahaayeen, dagaalkii Beerweyn oo ahayd meeshii Beesha sida ba;an loogu wiiqay xoogoodii keentayna inay u kala firxadaan deegaanada kudhow dhow halkaasi iyadoo Daraawiish ay kaga faa’iideysatay xilli halkaasiay ka jirtay abaar ba’an oo xoolihii iyo dadkiiba halis ku noqotay. Si kastaba hanoqote Beesha waxay dagaalo badan ku jebiyeen gumaystayaashii talyaania, ingiriiska, iyo kuwii fiitiwaraar. 1.	Kalweyne (11.5km) 2.	Luuqjelow (27.3km) Culumada ku xeeldheer cilmiga bulsho-aqoolka (sociology), dad-aqoolka (anthropology) iyo hidde-sideaqoolka (genealogy), waxay daraasad dheer ka dib ogaandeen in aqoonsiga dadka ama iyo bulshooyinka uu ku dhaco isbedello joogto ah. Bulsho ama koox ka mid ah bulsho ayaa isbedel ku imaan karaa muuqaalkooda, hadalkooda, dhaqankooda iyo cidda ay la tol noqonayaan kana mid ahaanayaan. Sidaas darteed, ma jiro sinji ama dad gaar ah, ay arrintaas ka reeban tahay, dadkaas ha ahaadaan kuwo yar iyo kuwo tiro badan. Soomaalida, gaar ahaan qabiilada abad-jireenka ah sida Gurguraha, Muralaha, Degoodiyaha, Biimaalka, Gelediga iyo Ajuuraankii isku lammaananaa kumanaankii sano ee la soo dhaafay, ayaa waxaa ku dhacay isbedel dhaqandhaqaale oo sababbay in bulshooyinkooda degaan ahaan la kala googooyo, soona kala dhexgalaan dadyow kale oo ka tiro badan, mar walbana gumaystihii reer yurub ayaa waxay siyaasadoodu ahayd inay kala qeybiyan qabiilooyinka ka dibna ay xukumaan, taasi waxaa xilli aad u dheer ka dagaalamay Raas makane oo illaa maantana ay muuqato sida aygooniga uga yihiin in la kala qeybiyo aa gumaysto, beeshan oo Magaceeda Talyaani ku muujiyay maabka isagoo ogsoonaa inay beeshu tahay xoog muuqda oo iska difaacay cid kasta ee doonaysay inay qeybiso, Beesha oo ku heesi jirta “Makanow ninkii ku maago, sida Muufadii Majuuji” ayaa waxaa jirtay inay lahaayeen cuqaal, halyeeyo uu kamid ahaa Abba Qolow, Abba Dagaal, Abba Muudde, Abba Nimcadde, Abba Irib iyo kuwo kale oo lahaa xilwadaag iyo muwaafaqo ay ku difaacayeen dhulkooda. Waxay si toos ay isaga hor yimaaadenn dad duulaan ku ahaa ha ahaadaan Soomaali ama cidaha la deriska ah ee gumaystaha u adeegi jiray, Minilik iyo kuwo kale. Dagaalkii ber weyn ee Makanne a galay Daraawiishtii Baali ayaa kala maqnasshihii Beesha oo abaar xun ku heshay deegaankii sababtoo ahayd meesha oo noqotay meel dagaal ayaa waxay kala dhantaashay midnimadii Beesha Makanne waxaana loo kala cararay deegaano kale waxaana samaysmay isbahaysiyo kale oo yar yar oo mid tagoog iyo degaan wadaag ah. Beesha Makanne, oo halkaan deganaa wax ka badan kun sano, xukumi jiray dhul ballaaran ee ka mid ah Harar, Mustaxiil illaa Shabeelaha Dhexe wuxuu maanta beesha Makanne laga helayaa gobolada Baay, Banaadir,Kismaayo, Doolow iyo kuwo kale oo qaybo ka mid ah koofurta Soomaaliya, Killinka 5aad ee Soomaalida Itoobiya, iyo gobolada dhexe. Makanaha maanta jiro waa kala dhaqan. Qaar waa beeraleyda Reer Shabeelle la yiraah, kuwo waa lo'layda ogaadeen degan deggan ah, kuwana waa beerey-xoolaley deggan goboka Baay ilaa tayeeglow konfurta Soomaaliya. Ka dib burburkii ku yimid midnimadii beesha Makanne qarnigii 19aad, waxay ku soo hareen todobaatan iyo shan tuullo oo ku teedsan webiga shabeele gobolka Hiiraan waxay maanta ka soo kabsan la yihiin dhibaatadii ka soo gartay jabkii Beerweyn waxayna waayeen in xoogoodii mideeyaan in kastoo weli ay jirto awood ay ku leeyihiin Gobolka oo ah tii ay ku kala dhex galeen beelo Soomaaliyeed oo halkaas ku diriray, waxaa maanta aan jirin guud ahaan dalka Soomaliya  hoggaan siyaasadeed ee la jaanqaadi kara wadciga cusub ee Gumeysiyaasha Yurub iyo Itoobiya. Waxaa taasi la mid ah jabkii ku dhacay Ajuuraan oo iyaguna ahaa boqortooyo xoog leh oo bariga Afrika xukumaysay dhowr qarni oo Suldaankoodii Olol Diinle iyo walaalkiisa Diiriye Olol isku dayay inay soo celiyaan midnimadii Ajuuran, labadana waxaa lagu dilay shirqoolo ay soo abaabushay Itoobiya ama Xabashida. Jabkaas Makanne waxaa ka faa’iideystay dad Soomaaliyeed oo noloshooda ku ekeyd buuraha dhanka bari ee gobolka iyadoo sida la sheegay loo adeegsada Beesha tacdaad awoodooda kala wiiqda dibna aysan isugu soo laabanin, laakiin taasi waxaa mar kale ka shiray intii ka hartay colaadii iyo abaartii xumayd ee kala dhantaashay Beesha Makanne waxayna ku heshiiyeen inay ilaliyaan maatidooda iyo xandhada yare e u soo hartay inkasta oo ayweli muuqato isku xirnaan xilliga colaadda Makannaha xiligii uu xooga lahaa ayaa waxaa ku soo dhex darsmay qabiilooyin yar yar oo ka soo jeeda gobolada dhexe, gobolaka shabeelada dhexe iyo Baay. Hoos waxaa ku qoran abtirsiimada Beesha Afarta Makanne.

Liiciddii Xoogii Makanne Saddexqrni wax ka badan kadib, deegaameyntii magaalada waxaa batay cadawgii Makanne oo meel ksta dagaal ayaa looga soo qaaday, dagaalada uu galay waxaa ugu weynaa kii Xabashida iyo Kii Daraawiishtii Cabdille Xasan, iyo dagaalkii Cagadhiig, dhammaan dagaaladaan waxaa Mkanne kaga dhinta dad badan oo dagaalyahanno ah oo geesiyaal ahaa, dagaalka ayaa wuxuu nta badan ku slaysnaa mid dhul boob ah iyo mid siyaasadeed intaba oo dadka xoolo dhaqatada ah ay ku doonayeen inay si siyaasadeysan ay dhulka Makanne ku degaan, taasina Makanne uma cuntaamaynin maaddaama meesha ay ahayd meel cidin aysan soo haweysan irin inatyasan jebisada iyag adilin laba qarni ka hor. Naxariistii Jano Allaha siiyee Oday Nimcadde Dacaar Baxaar oo taariikhda umadda soomaaliyeed ee gumeysiga neceb baal dahab ah kaga jira, ayaa 1897tii ku dhashay degmo ku taallo degaanka Magaalada Harar ee Itoobiya. Wuxuu dhashay sanad ka dib dagaalkii Xabashida iyo Talyaaniga ee ku magac dheeraa Dagaalkii Cadaawa (Fiiri buugga IL FRONTE SUD ee uu qoray Marshal R. Graziani 1938, bogga 48). Wuxuu ka soo jeeda qoys diinta Islaamka aad ugu xeel dheeraa oo deganayd magaalada faca weyn ee Harar oo ras Mokonen ka talinayay. Dagaalkaas oo Xabashida ku jabisay, kagana adkaatay Talyaaniga, waxay niyadda u dhistay Boqor Meneliggii Itoobiya, waxayna Xabashida ku dhiiragalisay in sidii xooggagga gumeystayaasha Reer Yurub ay isku soo ballaariyaan degaanada Ras Makanaha oo si gooni ah Minilik ula dagaalamayay caqiidda awgeedna dagaalka ku salaysnaa, dhulkaas oo ku yaalay meesha maanta loo yaqaan Soomaali Galbeed (oo waayihii hore loo yaqaanay Dhulka Gabaraha), canshuurta "Gabaraha" ama (Gibir) la yiraahdana dulsaartay dadka iyo duunyada Soomaaliyeed ee degaamadaas ku noolaa laakiin Beesha Makanaha ay kabiyo diideen inay bixiyaan wax Gabare la yiraahdo taasina ay ka careysiisay Minilik. Qabiilka aan xoolo haysan gabaraha (Gibirka) wuxuu ku dhiibi jirey xoolo, malab, subag, saliid, galay, masaggo, digir iyo wax allaale wixii Minilik iyo colkiisa u aragto inuu nacfi u yahay. Soomaalida geeleyda ahayd arrintaas waxay uga badbaadeen iyagoo hadba meel u guura, hase yeeshee Dadkii beeralayda sida Makanaha ama dadkii tuula-joogta ahayd waxaa khasab loogu dhigay inay beeraha iyo badarkaba ka baxshaan canshuur la siinayo ciidamada Itoobiyaanka ah ee fariisimaha ka sameystay degaanada Soomaaliyeed. Iyadoo taasina ay sameyn jireen daraawiishtii Cabdille Xasan, laakiin raas Makanne waa diideen waxayna ka doorteen inay si mideysan uga dagaalamaan canshuur baad ah oo laga qaado dhulka ay deganaayeen taasina waxay dhaxalsiisay in si wada jir ah loo gumaado lana wiiqo xoogoodii.

Duq Miidaan Axmed Samawade oo ka dhashey Reer Abba Kuusane ayaa ku soo koray kuna soo barbaarey degaan beereydka loo yaqaan Hiiraan, wuxuu ka tirsanaa aabayaashii dib u yagleelay midnimadii Makannaha dagaaladii ajuuraan, Dagoodiyaha, Darawiishta, Talyaaniga, Xabashida ka dib, wuxuuna goobjoog u ahaa sida Xabashida u qabsatay degaanada Hiiraan ilaa Taytayley Balcad oo makanaha difaacyadiisa laga burburiyay, gaar ahaan kuwii ay ka tallin jirtay hargaantiyaashii awooweyaashiisa, Daraawiishta ayaa dadka ugu kadeedayay bixinta koodhi aysan tabartood ahayn.Taariikhaha cajiibka ah ee geesiyaasha Makannaha waxay gaartay in meelaha qaar loo bixiyo magacyo illaa maanta dad badan ay jecleyn ku dhawaaqidooda, sida “Laab dheere” oo Makanaha cadawgiisa ku dili jiray, “Bilis diid” oo Makanaha u oglaan jirin cid kale oo aan ayaga ahayn. Abbe Qolow ayaa isagana wuxuu ahaa halyayga loo xulay inuu ka taqaluso horjoogayaasha cadawga gumaysiga wuxuuna maalin qura ka taqlusay sarkaal talyaani ahaa iyo shan askari oo Xabashida ka dagaalamayay. ciidamadii Itoobiya ee dhulkaas imaan jirtay ee dadka Soomaaliyeed ka baadi jirtay xoolaha iyo bedaacadda; si joogto ahna uga qaadi jirtay gabaraha ama gibirka. Makanaha wakhtigaas wax hub ah ma haysan oo aan ka ahayn ul laqoray oo la yiraahdo “MIIGE”, qaanso iyo gamuun mariideysan iyo bilaabe. Sidaas darteed ciidamada Itoobiya ee Xabashida oo hubka iyo rasaasta ka heli jirtay waddamada reer galbeedka, waxaa u suurto gashay in ay Soomaalida xoog ku muquuniyaan; dhulkoodana tartiib tartiib ugu fidaan. Xooga iyo iska caabinta ay kala kulantay Xabashida dhulka Makanaha, waxaa taariikhda gashay in uu Minilik yiraahdo waxa ila dagaalamaya ma aha Soomaali ee waa walaalkey Ras Makane ee fariin ha layga gaarsiiyo. iyadoo adeegsanaya siyaasadda "QaybI ee Xukun" ayaa Itoobiyaanka waxay isku dayday in ay odayaasha iyo wax garadka Soomaalida ka dhaadhiciso in ay xukunka Itoobiya hoos yimaadaan, aqbalaana in ay yihiin dad Itoobiyaan ah; isla markaasna ka qayb qaataan dhismaha ciidan xoog badan oo Itoobiyaan ah, oo dalka ka difaaca gumeystayaasha caddaa ee Reer Yurub. Soomaalida ayaa waxay arrinta ku noqotay labo kala daran kala doorta. Sidaas ayaana ugu wacan in oday dhaqameedyada gaar ay xiriir la lahaayeen boqortooyda Xabashida. odaygii soomaaliyeed ee Olol Diinle wuxuu ka mid ahaa odayaashii iyo wax garadkii arrintaas ka soo hor jeestay ka dibna Xabashidu waxa ay bilowday in ay isku daydo in ay Makanne xoog ku muquuniso. Makanne waa faracii haweeney la yiraahdo (Faduma) Makanaha waxay ahaayeen afar wiil oo isla dhalatay iyo hal adeege ah. afarta wiil waa: Abba Kuusane, Abba Cismaan Adeer, Abba Maxaad, iyo Abba Cali Sabdi, iyo Adeege oo ah Abba Kaboole. Hargaantiyada ayaa laga dooran jiray nin ku jira afartaas Makanne, qaab doorashadana kuma saleysneyn dhalasho, oo waxay ku xirneyd kartida iyo kasmada qofka, waxaana qofka soo xuli jiray Ugaaska Makanne ee degaanka uu joogo ka madax ahaa. Ugaaska ayaa dhaqan ahaan laga soo xuli jiray lafta Kuusanne Ceymooy. Burburkii xoogii Makannaha 1915tii ka dib, qabiilada Makane ee Kuusane iyo Cismaan Adeer ayaa ku looltami jirey jagada ugaasnimada maadaama tii midnimada uurkooleyaa ugaarataa meeshii ay ka baxday. Abba Kuusane, curadka afarta Makanne ayaa u cimaamaday ugaaska Makanne walaalkooda ina Maxamuud Irib Aabbe Cismaan adeer, laga soo bilaabo duubiddii Ugaas Cali Xasan Raage qarniyadii 18aad. WD. USTAAD MAXAMED NUR SIYAD 4ta Makanne Beledweyne (talk) 14:53, 22 July 2022 (UTC)