User talk:Ben Greer

My Grandmother and Grandfathers name (both has passed now) Charlotte Shelton Greer and Jack Brian

Greer. Back in 2010 my Grandmother held a family reunion; after I, Benjamin Eugene Greer, was pulled to the side my Grandmother Charlotte, that's when she told me that I was Royal. --

Sir John Shelton (1476/7 – 1539) of Carrow, courtier, was, through marriage,(((((the uncle of King Henry VIII's second wife, Anne Boleyn,)))))and controller of the joint household of the King's daughters, Mary and Elizabeth. Skip to table of contents to finish article --

Prince A prince is a male ruler, monarch, or member of a monarch's (((((or former monarch's family.))))) --

Margaret and Mary Shelton From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia "Mary Shelton" redirects here. For her niece, see Mary Scudamore.

Drawing of Mary, Lady Heveningham, by Hans Holbein the Younger Margaret (Madge) Shelton and Mary Shelton (1510/15 – 1570/71)[1] were two sisters in Tudor England, one of whom may have been a mistress of King Henry VIII. Recent research has indicated that they were the same person.[2][3]

Contents [hide] 1 Family 2 King's mistress 3 Involvement in the Devonshire Manuscript 3.1 Circulation and Mary's Possession of the MS 3.2 Authorship Ambiguity 3.3 The 'Courtly Love Lyric' 3.3.1 Women and the Court 3.3.2 'Ydill Poesies' 4 In Fiction 5 Footnotes 6 References 7 See also Family[edit] Both Margaret and Mary were daughters of Sir John Shelton and his wife Anne, the sister of Thomas Boleyn, 1st Earl of Wiltshire, the father of King Henry VIII's second Queen consort, Anne Boleyn. Margaret and Mary were thus first cousins of the Queen.[4]

Mary Shelton (1510/15 – 1570/71) was the youngest of Sir John Shelton's daughters. She was an attendant of her cousin, Queen Anne Boleyn, who is said to have chided her "for writing 'ydill poesies' in her prayerbook".[5]

Mary was part of a social group which included the poets Sir Thomas Clere (d. 14 April 1545), Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, and Thomas Wyatt,[6] with all of whom she was romantically linked. In an epitaph he composed at the death of Sir Thomas Clere, Surrey identified Mary as Clere's "beloved".[1] Mary's two closest friends were Lady Margaret Douglas, a niece of King Henry VIII, and Mary Howard, Duchess of Richmond, wife of the King's illegitimate son, Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Richmond.[2] Shelton was the main editor of and a main contributor to[2] the famous Devonshire MS, where members of their circle wrote poems they enjoyed or had composed.[2]

Her father was John Shelton (Born 1472 and died December 21, 1539), the son of Sir Ralph Shelton and Margaret Clere. He was a high sheriff in 1504, and knighted in 1509. Her siblings were; John, Ralph, Elizabeth, Anne, Gabriella, Emma, Thomas, Margaret and Amy Shelton (Mary was one of 10 children). She was married three times and had seven children. After the death of her fiance, Thomas Clere, she married, Anthony Heveningham of Ketteringham, her first cousin. She had seven children with Heveningham: Arthur, John, Abigail, Bridget, Elizabeth, Mary and Anne. Another son, Anthony, died on November 22, 1557. Mary's final marriage was to Phillip Appleyard.[7]

King's mistress[edit] One of the Shelton sisters is believed to have been King Henry's mistress for a six-month period beginning in February 1535, according to statements about mistresses made by the Imperial ambassador, Eustace Chapuys, who referred to Mistress Shelton.[8][9] According to biographer Antonia Fraser, this was Margaret Shelton.[10][11]

However recent research has suggested that it was Mary who was rumoured to be Henry's mistress, and was rumoured to have been selected to become his fourth wife. Supposedly, the confusion of earlier historians arose from the label "Marg Shelton", in which the "y" resembled a "g", a common confusion in sixteenth-century writing. Some historians, including the two who have full chapters on Mistress Shelton in their books, Paul G. Remley and Kelly Hart, argue that Margaret and Mary were the same person, and not two separate individuals.[2] In fact, Kelly Hart’s research has concluded that Mary was indeed the Shelton girl who was involved with King Henry VIII.[12]

Mary would have been a ‘lady-in-waiting’ to Anne, and although the two were cousins, according to Hart, “...this did not mean that their families were allies--not all Boleyns supported the queen...” [13] In point of fact, Queen Anne has been said to have been deeply in love with Henry and also very jealous of his attention to other women. Mary, known for having contributed greatly to the Devonshire MS, wrote many poems about love. Queen Anne was especially jealous that Mary could have been writing love poems about her husband, the King.[14] To make matters worse, Mary has been described as a young girl of great beauty[15] and talent, and her friends at court were a great influence on her, most of them also being highly literate.[16]

According to Heale, "Rumour twice linked Mary amorously with Henry VIII".[1] This other rumour, that Margaret or Mary Shelton might become Henry's wife in 1538, appears in one of the Lisle Letters.[17]

Because there is still some speculation as to when Mary was born, it is believed that she could have been as young as fifteen when she began her affair with King Henry VIII.[12] Their affair together was short-lived, only lasting about six months. Mary seemed to have been very accepting of the situation with the king, and did not press him to give her land, money, or a title.[14] Surprisingly, Mary was engaged to a Henry Norris during the time of her romance with the king. Her engagement to Norris was broken off when her father died at the age of sixty-two and left his family with financial troubles.[18] As a result, Mary went away to a convent.[18] After returning home, Mary became engaged to Thomas Clere the poet. However, he died soon after their engagement, leaving Mary his lands in his will.[18]

By 1546 Mary had married her cousin[2] Sir Anthony Heveningham (1507–1557).[1] by whom she had five children, including Arthur Heveningham, and her youngest daughter, Abigail (wife of Sir George Digby of Coleshill, Warwickshire), who was in attendance on Queen Elizabeth in 1588.[1] Interestingly enough Kelly Hart writes, "...through Arthur, Mary is thought to be an ancestor of Diana, Princess of Wales." [18]

In 1546 there was suspicion of conspiracy between Mary and Surrey, which was noted for investigation by the Privy Council.[1]

Mary married Philip Appleyard (b. c.1528) in 1558.[1]

She was buried in Heveningham church, Suffolk, on 8 January 1571.[1] A probable portrait of Mary by Hans Holbein is in the collection at Windsor Castle.[1]

Mary Shelton is one of the main subjects of The Mistresses of Henry VIII by Kelly Hart, and Rethinking the Henrician Era: Essays on Early Tudor Texts and Contexts by Paul G. Remley.

Involvement in the Devonshire Manuscript[edit] Circulation and Mary's Possession of the MS[edit] It is clear that the Devonshire MS passed through many hands during its circulation in the 1520s and 1530s. A few months after the confinement of Margaret Douglas and Thomas Howard for an impolitic affair in 1536, the MS was passed to Mary Shelton for the first time, where it is likely she added poems and allowed others to add poems to folios 22-50.[19] The MS returned to Mary Shelton (and Mary Fitzroy) in 1539, with the return of Mary Fitzroy to the Court. During this time, at Kenninghall, Mary Shelton is believed to have largely completed the manuscript with the addition of many Medieval fragments in folios 88-92.[19]

Authorship Ambiguity[edit] Of the roughly 184 poems included in the collection, 80 have not been attributed to a definitive author. The majority of poems are ascribed to Thomas Wyatt. Others are attributed to Chaucer and other Medieval poets, and still others are assumed to have been created by Mary Shelton’s contemporaries, including Edmund Knyvet, Thomas Howard, and Henry Stuart, along with some ambiguous notations of “A.I.” and “Jon K.” as well as “Ann,” which may refer to Anne Boleyn.[19]

Although there is much debate and ambiguity surrounding the manuscript, Shelton is argued by scholars to be the main contributor and editor of the document.[19] Margaret Douglas is sometimes also credited with this.[20]

The 'Courtly Love Lyric'[edit] Women and the Court[edit] Mary Shelton, as a part of the Court of Anne Boleyn, was subject to a culture of fine lines of social acceptability. Tudor culture expected a level of both amorous and conservative behavior from women. As Ann Jones assesses, a woman was encouraged "to be a member of the chorus prompting men to bravery in tournaments and eloquence in conversation; she was expected to be a witty and informed participant in dialogues whose subject was most often love.[21]

The poetry of the time reflected this. In Tudor Court, poems, like the ones ascribed in the Devonshire MS, were an integral part of social interaction, exchanged between members “perhaps for songs, perhaps for rumor and the innuendo of gossip.[20]”

'Ydill Poesies'[edit] Along with the poetry she 'lifted' from medieval poets, Mary is thought to have added few original poems to the Manuscript. What is thought to be Mary Shelton’s handwriting has been identified in the following folios of the manuscript: 3, 22, 26-29, 30, 40-44, 55, 58-60, 61-62, 65, 67-68, 88, 89-90, 91-92.[19] An "unsentimental, plain-speaking[20] " tone is often associated with her contributions.

Folios 6 and 7 of the document include the poem 'Suffryng in sorow in hope to attayn,' a poem about a despondent lover who cannot figure out her lover's pain. Above the poem in the folios, Margaret Douglas expresses her disappointment with it, saying 'forget thys,' but Mary Shelton, in her handwriting below Douglas', asserts the poem's worthiness: 'yt ys worhy.' This poem is usually ascribed to Mary Shelton because the first letters of the first seven stanzas spell out "SHELTVN"[20]

There are a number of poems in the collection that are written from a woman's point of view, but it is unclear if the author is Shelton, or if, for that matter, the author is a woman at all.

In Fiction[edit] She appears in The Lady in the Tower by Jean Plaidy.

The character of Madge Sheldon, played by Laura Jane Laughlin in the Showtime series The Tudors is loosely inspired by the two sisters.

Mary Shelton appears in the series of books "The Lady Grace Mysteries" as a maid of honour to Queen Elizabeth I.

She is the main character in "At the Mercy of the Queen" by Anne Clinard Barnhill.

Is called Margaret Shelton in Philippa Gregory's The Other Boleyn Girl as a mistress of King Henry VIII in the summer of 1524 when Mary Boleyn is away from court at Hever Castle with her and Henry's daughter, Catherine Carey, and is later a minor character at the end of the book from 1533-1536 when she comes to court as Madge Shelton (possibly a younger sister or cousin to Margaret) where the king has a brief affair with her through 1534-1535 before his affair with Jane Seymour. She tells Mary Boleyn that she had a fling with Henry Norris (a courtier who by some accounts actually married Madge in the mid-1530s before his execution for being a supposed lover of Anne Boleyn, along with various other men at court) and wanted desperately to kiss him, and was afraid for Mary because of all the suspicion against Anne Boleyn, Mary's younger sister and Madge's cousin. She asks Mary if she can leave court and go somewhere safe with her, but Mary explains that she has her husband, William Stafford, her son, Henry Carey, her daughter, Catherine Carey, who is in the Tower of London with Anne, and her younger daughter, also called Anne, to worry about. Mary tells Madge to go stay with the Dowager Duchess of Norfolk.

Footnotes[edit] ^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i Heale 2004. ^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Hart, The Mistresses of Henry VIII by Kelly Hart pp 120-128 Jump up ^ Rethinking the Henrician Era: Essays on Early Tudor Texts and Contexts by Paul G. Remley Jump up ^ Richardson 2004, p. 179; Weir 1991, p. 277. Jump up ^ Herman 1994, p. 65; Heale 2004. Jump up ^ Herman 1994, p. 40. Jump up ^ Castelli, Jorge H. "Shelton Family." Tudorplace.com. Jorge Castelli, n.d. Web. 21 Mar. 2013. Jump up ^ Kelly Hart, The Mistresses of Henry VIII, The History Press, 2009 Jump up ^ CSP Spanish, V, pt.2, p.126 Jump up ^ Weir 1991, p. 277. Jump up ^ Antonia Fraser The Six Wives of Henry VIII ^ Jump up to: a b "Hart p.121" Jump up ^ "Hart p.122" ^ Jump up to: a b "Hart p.124" Jump up ^ "Hart p.123" Jump up ^ "Hart p.125" Jump up ^ Remley 1994. ^ Jump up to: a b c d "Hart p.128" ^ Jump up to: a b c d e Southall, Raymond (May 1964). "The Devonshire Manuscript of Early Tudor Poetry, 1532-41". The Review of English Studies 15 (58): 142, 146. doi:10.1093/res/xv.58.142. ^ Jump up to: a b c d Heale, Elizabeth (April 1995). "Women and the Courtly Love Lyric". Modern Language Review 90 (2). Jump up ^ Jones, Ann Rosalind (1987). Nancy Armstrong and Leonard Tennenhouse, ed. The Ideology of Conduct: Essays on Literature and the History of Sexuality. New York and London: Methuen. pp. 39–72. References[edit] Bindoff, S.T. (1982). The House of Commons 1509-1558 III. London: Secker & Warburg. Block, Joseph S. (2006). Shelton family (per. 1504–1558), gentry. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Retrieved 17 March 2011. Hart, Kelly (2009). The Mistresses of Henry VIII. Stroud, Gloucestershire: The History Press. pp. 120–128. ISBN 978 0 7524 4835 0. Heale, Elizabeth (2004). Shelton, Mary (married names Mary Heveningham, Lady Heveningham; Mary Appleyard) (1510x15–1570/71), contributor to manuscript miscellany. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Retrieved 17 March 2011. Herman, Peter C., ed. (1994). Rethinking the Henrician Era: Essays on Early Tudor Texts and Contexts. University of Illinois Press. pp. 40–77. Retrieved 18 March 2011. Ives, E.W. (2004). Anne (Anne Boleyn) (c.1500–1536), queen of England, second consort of Henry VIII. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Retrieved 17 March 2011. Remley, Paul G. (1994). "Mary Shelton & her Literary Milieu," in, Rethinking the Henrician Era. University of Illinois. Richardson, Douglas (2004). Plantagenet Ancestry: A Study in Colonial and Medieval Families, ed. Kimball G. Everingham. Baltimore, Maryland: Genealogical Publishing Company Inc. Retrieved 17 March 2011. Weir, Alison (1991). The Six Wives of Henry VIII. New York: Grove Weidenfeld. Calendar of State Papers, Spanish Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII The Other Boleyn Girl nry VII of England From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Page semi-protected --
 * Gregory |Philippa |Three River's Press |London |2001

Henry VII King Henry VII.jpg Portrait of King Henry VII holding a Tudor Rose, wearing collar of the Order of the Golden Fleece, dated 1505, by unknown artist, National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 416). King of England (more...) Reign	22 August 1485 – 21 April 1509 Coronation	30 October 1485 Predecessor	Richard III Successor	Henry VIII Spouse	Elizabeth of York Issue	Arthur, Prince of Wales Margaret, Queen of Scots Henry VIII of England Elizabeth Tudor Mary, Queen of France Edmund Tudor, Duke of Somerset Katherine Tudor House	House of Tudor Father	Edmund Tudor, 1st Earl of Richmond Mother	Lady Margaret Beaufort Born	28 January 1457 Pembroke Castle, Wales Died	21 April 1509 (aged 52) Richmond Palace, England Burial	Westminster Abbey, London Signature English Royalty House of Tudor Coat of Arms of Henry VII of England (1485-1509).svg Royal Coat of Arms Henry VII Arthur, Prince of Wales Margaret, Queen of Scots Henry VIII Mary, Queen of France v t e Henry VII (Welsh: Harri Tudur; 28 January 1457 – 21 April 1509) was King of England and Lord of Ireland from his seizing the crown on 22 August 1485 until his death on 21 April 1509, as the first monarch of the House of Tudor.

Henry won the throne when his forces defeated Richard III at the Battle of Bosworth Field. He was the last king of England to win his throne on the field of battle. Henry cemented his claim by marrying Elizabeth of York, daughter of Edward IV and niece of Richard III. Henry was successful in restoring the power and stability of the English monarchy after the political upheavals of the civil wars known as the Wars of the Roses. He founded the Tudor dynasty and, after a reign of nearly 24 years, was peacefully succeeded by his son, Henry VIII.

Although Henry can be credited with the restoration of political stability in England, and a number of commendable administrative, economic and diplomatic initiatives, the latter part of his reign was characterised by a financial rapacity which stretched the bounds of legality. The capriciousness and lack of due process which indebted many in England were soon ended upon Henry VII's death after a commission revealed widespread abuses.[1] According to the contemporary historian Polydore Vergil, simple "greed" in large part underscored the means by which royal control was over-asserted in Henry's final years.[2]

Contents [hide] 1 Ancestry and early life 2 Rise to the throne 3 Reign 3.1 Economics 3.2 Foreign policy 3.3 Trade agreements 3.4 Law enforcement and Justices of Peace 3.5 Later years and death 4 Appearance and Character 5 Legacy and memory 6 Henry's titles 7 Arms 8 Issue 8.1 Further descendants 9 Ancestry 10 See also 11 Notes 12 References 13 External links Ancestry and early life

Young Henry VII, by a French artist (Musée Calvet, Avignon) Henry VII was born at Pembroke Castle on 28 January 1457 to the 13-year-old Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Richmond. His father, Edmund Tudor, 1st Earl of Richmond, died three months before his birth.[3]

Henry's paternal grandfather, Owen Tudor, originally from the Tudors of Penmynydd, Isle of Anglesey in Wales, had been a page in the court of Henry V. He rose to become one of the "Squires to the Body to the King" after military service at Agincourt.[4] Owen is said to have secretly married the widow of Henry V, Catherine of Valois. One of their sons was Edmund Tudor, father of Henry VII. Edmund was created Earl of Richmond in 1452, and "formally declared legitimate by Parliament".[5]

Henry's main claim to the English throne derived from his mother through the House of Beaufort. Henry's mother, Lady Margaret Beaufort, was a great-granddaughter of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, fourth son of Edward III, and his third wife Katherine Swynford. Katherine was Gaunt's mistress for about 25 years; when they married in 1396, they already had four children, including Henry's great-grandfather John Beaufort. Thus Henry's claim was somewhat tenuous: it was from a woman, and by illegitimate descent. In theory, the Portuguese and Spanish royal families had a better claim (as far as "legitimacy" is concerned)[citation needed] as descendants of Catherine of Lancaster, the daughter of John of Gaunt and his second wife Constance of Castile.

Groat of Henry VII Gaunt's nephew Richard II legitimised Gaunt's children by Katherine Swynford by Letters Patent in 1397. In 1407, Henry IV, who was Gaunt's son by his first wife, issued new Letters Patent confirming the legitimacy of his half-siblings, but also declaring them ineligible for the throne.[6] Henry IV's action was of doubtful legality, as the Beauforts were previously legitimised by an Act of Parliament, but it further weakened Henry's claim.

Nonetheless, by 1483 Henry was the senior male Lancastrian claimant remaining, after the deaths in battle or by murder or execution of Henry VI, his son Edward of Westminster, Prince of Wales, and the other Beaufort line of descent through Lady Margaret's uncle, the 2nd Duke of Somerset.

Henry also made some political capital out of his Welsh ancestry, for example in attracting military support and safeguarding his army's passage through Wales on its way to the Battle of Bosworth.[7][8] He came from an old-established Anglesey family which claimed descent from Cadwaladr (in legend, the last ancient British king)[9] and on occasion, Henry displayed the red dragon of Cadwaladr.[7] He took it, as well as the standard of St George, on his procession through London after victory at Bosworth.[10] A contemporary writer and Henry's biographer, Bernard André, also made much of Henry's Welsh descent.[9]

In reality, however, his hereditary connections to Welsh aristocracy were not strong. He was descended by the paternal line, through several generations, from Ednyfed Fychan, the seneschal (steward) of Gwynedd and through this seneschal's wife from Rhys ap Tewdwr, the King of Deheubarth in South Wales.[11][12][13]

His more immediate ancestor Tudur ap Goronwy had aristocratic land rights, but his sons, who were first cousins to Owain Glyndŵr, sided with Owain in his revolt. One son was executed and the family land was forfeited. Another son, Henry's great-grandfather, became a butler to the Bishop of Bangor.[10] Owen Tudor, the son of the butler, like the children of other rebels, was provided for by Henry V, a circumstance which precipitated his access to Queen Catherine of Valois.[14]

Notwithstanding this lineage, to the bards of Wales, Henry was a candidate for Y Mab Darogan – "The Son of Prophecy" who would free the Welsh from oppression.

In 1456, Henry's father Edmund Tudor was captured while fighting for Henry VI in South Wales against the Yorkists. He died in Carmarthen Castle, three months before Henry was born. Henry's uncle Jasper Tudor, the Earl of Pembroke and Edmund's younger brother, undertook to protect the young widow, who was 13 years old when she gave birth to Henry.[15] When Edward IV became King in 1461, Jasper Tudor went into exile abroad. Pembroke Castle, and later the Earldom of Pembroke, were granted to the Yorkist William Herbert, who also assumed the guardianship of Margaret Beaufort and the young Henry.[16]

Henry lived in the Herbert household until 1469, when Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick (the "Kingmaker"), went over to the Lancastrians. Herbert was captured fighting for the Yorkists and executed by Warwick.[17] When Warwick restored Henry VI in 1470, Jasper Tudor returned from exile and brought Henry to court.[17] When the Yorkist Edward IV regained the throne in 1471, Henry fled with other Lancastrians to Brittany, where he spent most of the next 14 years.

Rise to the throne

Perfected and fluted armour of Henry VII By 1483, his mother, despite being married to a Yorkist (Lord Stanley), was actively promoting Henry as an alternative to Richard III.

At Rennes Cathedral on Christmas Day 1483, Henry pledged to marry Edward IV's eldest daughter, Elizabeth of York, who was also Edward's heir since the presumed death of her brothers, the Princes in the Tower (King Edward V and his brother Richard of Shrewsbury, Duke of York).[18] Henry then received the homage of his supporters.

With money and supplies borrowed from his host Francis II, Duke of Brittany, Henry tried to land in England, but his conspiracy unravelled, resulting in the execution of his primary co-conspirator, the Duke of Buckingham.[19] Now supported by Francis II's prime-minister Pierre Landais, Richard III attempted to extradite Henry from Brittany, but Henry escaped to France.[20] He was welcomed by the French, who readily supplied him with troops and equipment for a second invasion.

Having gained the support of the Woodvilles, in-laws of the late Edward IV, he sailed with a small French and Scottish force. Henry landed in Mill Bay, Pembrokeshire, close to his birthplace. He marched towards England accompanied by his uncle Jasper and the Earl of Oxford. Wales was traditionally a Lancastrian stronghold, and Henry owed the support he gathered to his Welsh birth and ancestry, being directly descended, through his father, from Rhys ap Gruffydd.[21] He amassed an army of around 5,000 soldiers.[22][23]

Henry was aware that his best chance to seize the throne was to engage Richard quickly and defeat him immediately, as Richard had reinforcements in Nottingham and Leicester. Richard only needed to avoid being killed to keep his throne. Though outnumbered, Henry's Lancastrian forces decisively defeated Richard's Yorkist army at the Battle of Bosworth Field on 22 August 1485. Several of Richard's key allies, such as the Earl of Northumberland and William and Thomas Stanley, crucially switched sides or left the battlefield. Richard III's death at Bosworth Field effectively ended the Wars of the Roses, although it was not the last battle Henry had to fight.

Reign

The Tudor Rose: a combination of the Red Rose of Lancaster and the White Rose of York The first concern Henry had was to secure his hold on the throne.

He honoured his pledge of December 1483 to marry Elizabeth of York.[19][24] They were third cousins, as both were great-great-grandchildren of John of Gaunt.[25] The marriage took place on 18 January 1486 at Westminster. The marriage unified the warring houses and gave his children a strong claim to the throne. The unification of the houses of York and Lancaster by this marriage is symbolised by the heraldic emblem of the Tudor rose, a combination of the white rose of York and the red rose of Lancaster. It also ended future discussion as to whether the descendants of the fourth son of Edward III, Edmund, Duke of York, through marriage to Philippa, heiress of the second son, Lionel, Duke of Clarence, had a superior or inferior claim to those of the third son John of Gaunt, who had held the throne for three generations. In addition, Henry had Parliament repeal Titulus Regius, the statute that declared Edward IV's marriage invalid and his children illegitimate, thus legitimising his wife. Amateur historians Bertram Fields and Sir Clements Markham have claimed that he may have been involved in the murder of the Princes in the Tower, as the repeal of Titulus Regius gave the Princes a stronger claim to the throne than his own. Alison Weir, however, points out that the Rennes ceremony, two years earlier, was possible only if Henry and his supporters were certain that the Princes were already dead.[26]

Henry's second action was to declare himself king retroactively from 21 August 1485, the day before Bosworth Field.[27] This meant that anyone who had fought for Richard against him would be guilty of treason. Thus, Henry could legally confiscate the lands and property of Richard III while restoring his own. However, he spared Richard's nephew and designated heir, the Earl of Lincoln. He also created Margaret Plantagenet, a Yorkist heiress, Countess of Salisbury sui juris. He took great care not to address the baronage, or summon Parliament, until after his coronation, which took place in Westminster Abbey on 30 October 1485.[28] Almost immediately afterwards, he issued an edict that any gentleman who swore fealty to him would, notwithstanding any previous attainder, be secure in his property and person.

Henry secured his crown principally by dividing and undermining the power of the nobility, especially through the aggressive use of bonds and recognisances to secure loyalty. He also enacted laws against livery and maintenance, the great lords' practice of having large numbers of "retainers" who wore their lord's badge or uniform and formed a potential private army.

While he was still in Leicester after the battle of Bosworth Field Henry was already taking precautions to avoid any rebellions against his reign. Before leaving Leicester to go to London, Henry dispatched Robert Willoughby to Sheriff Hutton in Yorkshire, to have the ten year old Edward, Earl of Warwick, arrested and taken to the Tower of London.[29] Edward was the son of George, duke of Clarence, and as such he presented a threat as a potential rival to the new King Henry VII for the throne of England. However, Henry was threatened by several active rebellions over the next few years. The first was the Rebellion of the Stafford brothers and Viscount Lovell of 1486, which collapsed without fighting.[30]

In 1487, Yorkists led by Lincoln rebelled in support of Lambert Simnel, a boy who was claimed to be the Earl of Warwick,[31] son of Edward IV's brother Clarence (who had last been seen as a prisoner in the Tower). The rebellion began in Ireland, where the traditionally Yorkist nobility, headed by the powerful Gerald FitzGerald, 8th Earl of Kildare, proclaimed Simnel King and provided troops for his invasion of England. The rebellion was defeated and Lincoln killed at the Battle of Stoke. Henry showed remarkable clemency to the surviving rebels: he pardoned Kildare and the other Irish nobles, and he made the boy, Simnel, a servant in the royal kitchen.[32]

In 1490, a young Fleming, Perkin Warbeck, appeared and claimed to be Richard, the younger of the "Princes in the Tower". Warbeck won the support of Edward IV's sister Margaret of Burgundy. He led attempted invasions of Ireland in 1491 and England in 1495, and persuaded James IV of Scotland to invade England in 1496. In 1497 Warbeck landed in Cornwall with a few thousand troops, but was soon captured and executed.[33]

In 1499, Henry had the Earl of Warwick executed. However, he spared Warwick's elder sister Margaret. She survived until 1541, when she was executed by Henry VIII.

Henry married Elizabeth of York with the hope of uniting the Yorkist and Lancastrian sides of the Plantagenet dynastic disputes. In this, he was largely successful. However, such a level of paranoia persisted that anyone (John de la Pole, Earl of Richmond,[34] is an example) with blood ties to the Plantagenets was suspected of coveting the throne.[35]

Economics Unlike his predecessors, Henry VII came to the throne without personal experience in estate management or financial administration.[36] Yet during his reign Henry VII became a fiscally prudent monarch who restored the fortunes of an effectively bankrupt exchequer. Henry VII introduced stability to the financial administration of England by keeping the same financial advisors throughout his reign. For instance, excepting only the first few months of the reign, Lord Dynham and Thomas Howard, earl of Surrey were the only two office holders in the position of Lord High Treasurer of England throughout the reign of Henry VII.[37]

Henry VII improved tax collection within the realm even by introducing ruthlessly efficient mechanisms of taxation. In this he was supported by his chancellor, Archbishop John Morton, whose "Morton's Fork" was a catch-22 method of ensuring that nobles paid increased taxes. Morton's Fork may actually have been invented by another of Henry's supporters—Richard Foxe.[38] However, whether it's called "Fox's Fork" or "Morton's Fork" the result was the same. Those nobles who spent little must have saved much and, thus, they could afford the increased taxes. On the other hand, those nobles who spent much, obviously had the means to pay the increased taxes.[38] Royal government was also reformed with the introduction of the King's Council that kept the nobility in check.

Foreign policy Henry VII's policy was both to maintain peace and to create economic prosperity. Up to a point, he succeeded. He was not a military man and had no interest in trying to regain French territories lost during the reigns of his predecessors; he was therefore ready to conclude a treaty with France at Etaples that brought money into the coffers of England, and ensured the French would not support pretenders to the English throne, such as Perkin Warbeck. However, this treaty came at a slight price, as Henry mounted a minor invasion of Brittany in November 1492. Henry decided to keep Brittany out of French hands, signed an alliance with Spain to that end, and sent seven thousand troops to France. The confused, fractious nature of Breton politics undermined his efforts, which finally failed after three sizeable expeditions, at a cost of £24,000. However, as France was becoming more concerned with the Italian Wars, the French were happy to agree to the Treaty of Etaples.[39]

Henry VII (centre), with his advisors Sir Richard Empson and Sir Edmund Dudley Henry had been under the financial and physical protection of the French throne or its vassals for most of his life, prior to his ascending the throne of England. To strengthen his position, however, he subsidised shipbuilding, so strengthening the navy (he commissioned Europe's first ever – and the world's oldest surviving – dry dock at Portsmouth in 1495) and improving trading opportunities.

By the time of his death, he had amassed a personal fortune of £1.25 million (equivalent to £978 million in 2014).[40][41]

Henry VII was one of the first European monarchs to recognise the importance of the newly united Spanish kingdom and concluded the Treaty of Medina del Campo, by which his son, Arthur Tudor, was married to Catherine of Aragon. He also concluded the Treaty of Perpetual Peace with Scotland (the first treaty between England and Scotland for almost two centuries), which betrothed his daughter Margaret to King James IV of Scotland. By means of this marriage, Henry VII hoped to break the Auld Alliance between Scotland and France. Though this was not achieved during his reign, the marriage eventually led to the union of the English and Scottish crowns under Margaret's great-grandson, James VI and I following the death of Henry's granddaughter Elizabeth I.

He also formed an alliance with Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I (1493–1519) and persuaded Pope Innocent VIII to issue a Papal bull of Excommunication against all pretenders to Henry's throne.

Trade agreements Henry's most successful diplomatic achievement as regards the economy was the Magnus Intercursus ("great agreement") of 1496. In 1494, Henry embargoed trade (mainly in wool) with the Netherlands as retaliation for Margaret of Burgundy's support of Perkin Warbeck. The Merchant Adventurers, the company which enjoyed the monopoly of the Flemish wool trade, relocated from Antwerp to Calais. At the same time, Flemish merchants were ejected from England. The stand-off eventually paid off for Henry. Both parties realised they were mutually disadvantaged by the reduction in commerce. Its restoration by the Magnus Intercursus was very much to England's benefit in removing taxation for English merchants and significantly increasing England's wealth. In turn, Antwerp became an extremely important trade entrepot, through which, for example, goods from the Baltic, spices from the east and Italian silks were exchanged for English cloth.[42]

In 1506, Henry extorted the Treaty of Windsor from Philip the Handsome of Burgundy. Philip had been shipwrecked on the English coast, and while Henry's guest, was bullied into an agreement so favourable to England at the expense of the Netherlands that it was dubbed the Malus Intercursus ("evil agreement"). France, Burgundy, the Holy Roman Empire, Spain and the Hanseatic League all rejected the treaty, which was never in force. Philip died shortly after the negotiations.[43]

Henry VII was also enriched by trading alum which was used in the wool and cloth trades for dyeing fabric.[44] Since Europe had only one area where it was mined (Tolfa, Italy), it was a scarce commodity and therefore valuable. Starting in 1486, Henry VII became involved in the alum trade. With the assistance of the Italian merchant-banker, Lodovico della Fava and the Italian banker, Girolamo Frescobaldi, Henry VII became deeply involved in the alum trade by licensing ships, obtaining alum from the Ottoman Empire, and selling it to the Low Countries and England.[45] This trade made an expensive commodity cheaper which raised opposition with Pope Julius II since the Tolfa, Italy alum mine was a part of papal territory thereby giving the Pope monopoly control over alum.

Law enforcement and Justices of Peace Henry's principal problem was to restore royal authority in a realm recovering from the Wars of the Roses. There were too many powerful noblemen and, as a consequence of the system of so-called bastard feudalism, each had what amounted to private armies of indentured retainers (mercenaries masquerading as servants).

Late 16th century copy of a portrait of Henry VII He was content to allow the nobles their regional influence if they were loyal to him. For instance, the Stanley family had control of Lancashire and Cheshire, upholding the peace on the condition that they stayed within the law. In other cases, he brought his over-powerful subjects to heel by decree. He passed laws against "livery" (the upper classes' flaunting of their adherents by giving them badges and emblems) and "maintenance" (the keeping of too many male "servants"). These laws were used shrewdly in levying fines upon those that he perceived as threats.

However, his principal weapon was the Court of Star Chamber. This revived an earlier practice of using a small (and trusted) group of the Privy Council as a personal or Prerogative Court, able to cut through the cumbersome legal system and act swiftly. Serious disputes involving the use of personal power, or threats to royal authority, were thus dealt with.[46]

Henry VII used Justices of the Peace on a large, nationwide scale. They were appointed for every shire and served for a year at a time. Their chief task was to see that the laws of the country were obeyed in their area. Their powers and numbers steadily increased during the time of the Tudors, never more so than under Henry's reign.[47] Despite this, Henry was keen to constrain their power and influence, applying the same principles to the Justices of the Peace as he did to the nobility: a similar system of bonds and recognisances to that which applied to both the gentry and the nobles who tried to exert their elevated influence over these local officials.

All Acts of Parliament were overseen by the Justices of the Peace. For example, Justices of the Peace could replace suspect jurors in accordance with the 1495 act preventing the corruption of juries. They were also in charge of various administrative duties, such as the checking of weights and measures.

By 1509, Justices of the Peace were key enforcers of law and order for Henry VII. They were unpaid, which, in comparison with modern standards, meant a lesser tax bill to pay for a police force. Local gentry saw the office as one of local influence and prestige and were therefore willing to serve. Overall, this was a successful area of policy for Henry, both in terms of efficiency and as a method of reducing the corruption endemic within the nobility of the Middle Ages.

Later years and death

Scene at deathbed of Henry VII at Richmond Palace, 1509. Drawn contemporaneously from witness accounts by the courtier Sir Thomas Wriothesley (d.1534), who wrote an account of the proceedings. BL Add.MS 45131,f.54 In 1502, Henry VII's first son and heir-apparent, Arthur Tudor, died suddenly at Ludlow Castle, very likely from a viral respiratory illness known, at the time, as the "English sweating sickness".[48] This made Henry, Duke of York (Henry VIII) heir-apparent to the throne. The King, normally a reserved man, surprised his courtiers by his intense grief at his son's death, while his concern for the Queen is evidence that the marriage was a happy one.[49]

Henry VII wanted to maintain the Spanish alliance. He therefore arranged a papal dispensation from Pope Julius II for Prince Henry to marry his brother's widow Catherine, a relationship that would have otherwise precluded marriage in the Roman Catholic Church. In 1503, Queen Elizabeth died in childbirth, so King Henry had the dispensation also permit him to marry Catherine himself. After obtaining the dispensation, Henry had second thoughts about the marriage of his son and Catherine. Catherine's mother Isabella I of Castile had died and Catherine's sister Joanna had succeeded her; Catherine was therefore daughter of only one reigning monarch and so less desirable as a spouse for Henry VII's heir-apparent. The marriage did not take place during his lifetime. Otherwise, at the time of his father's arranging of the marriage to Catherine of Aragon, the future Henry VIII was too young to contract the marriage according to Canon Law, and would be ineligible until age fourteen.[50]

Henry made half-hearted plans to remarry and beget more heirs, but these never came to anything. In 1505 he was sufficiently interested in a potential marriage to Joan, the recently widowed Queen of Naples, that he sent ambassadors to Naples to report on the 27-year-old's physical suitability.[51] The wedding never took place, and curiously the physical description Henry sent with his ambassadors describing what he desired in a new wife matched the description of Elizabeth. After 1503, records show the Tower of London was never again used as a royal residence by Henry Tudor, and all royal births under Henry VIII took place in palaces. Henry VII was shattered by the loss of Elizabeth, and her death broke his heart.[52][53]Immediately after Elizabeth's death, Henry became very sick and nearly died himself, and only allowed Margaret Beaufort, his mother, near him: "privily departed to a solitary place, and would that no man should resort unto him."[54] [55]

Henry VII died at Richmond Palace on 21 April 1509 of tuberculosis and was buried at Westminster Abbey, next to his wife, Elizabeth, in the chapel he commissioned.[56] He was succeeded by his second son, Henry VIII (reign 1509–47). His mother survived him, dying two months later on 29 June 1509.

Appearance and Character At twenty seven, Henry was tall, slender, with small blue eyes and noticeably bad teeth in a long, sallow face beneath very fair hair. Amiable and high-spirited, Henry Tudor was friendly if dignified in manner, while it was clear to everyone that he was extremely intelligent. His biographer, Professor Chrimes, credits him - even before he had become King - with possessing "a high degree of personal magnetism, ability to inspire confidence, and a growing reputation for shrewd decisiveness". On the debit side, he may have looked a little delicate as he suffered from poor health. [57][58]

Legacy and memory Historians have always compared Henry VII with his continental contemporaries, especially Louis XI of France and Ferdinand II of Aragon. By 1600 historians emphasised Henry's wisdom in drawing lessons in statecraft from other monarchs. By 1900 the "New Monarchy" interpretation stressed the common factors that in each country led to the revival of monarchical power. This approach raised puzzling questions about similarities and differences in the development of national states. In the late 20th century a model of European state formation was prominent in which Henry less resembles Louis and Ferdinand.[59]

Henry's titles Up to 1485 The Earl of Richmond (disputed) 22 August 1485 – 21 April 1509: His Grace The King of England and France, Lord of Ireland Henry's full style as king was: Henry, by the Grace of God, King of England, France and Lord of Ireland

Arms

Coat of arms of King Henry VII Upon his succession as king, Henry became entitled to bear the arms of his kingdom. After his marriage, he used the red-and-white rose as his emblem – this continued to be his dynasty's emblem, known as the Tudor rose.

Issue Henry and Elizabeth's children are listed below.

Arthur Tudor, Prince of Wales, first husband of Catherine of Aragon.

Margaret Tudor, wife of King James IV of Scotland and great grandmother of James I of England.

Henry VIII of England, Henry VII's successor.

Mary Tudor, Queen of France and subsequently wife of Charles Brandon. Name	Birth	Death	Notes Arthur Tudor, Prince of Wales	19 September 1486	2 April 1502	Married Catherine of Aragon in 1501. Margaret Tudor	28 November 1489	18 October 1541	Married (1) James IV, King of Scotland (1473–1513) in 1503. Married (2) Archibald Douglas, 6th Earl of Angus (1489–1557) in 1514. Grandmother of both Mary, Queen of Scots and Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley, the parents of James I. Henry VIII, King of England	28 June 1491	28 January 1547	Married (1) Catherine of Aragon (1485–1536) in 1509; had issue. Married (2) Anne Boleyn (1501–1536) in 1533; had issue. Married (3) Jane Seymour (1503–1537) in 1536; had issue. Married (4) Anne of Cleves (1515–1557) in 1540. Married (5) Catherine Howard (1520–1542) in 1540. Married (6) Catherine Parr (1512–1548) in 1543. Elizabeth Tudor	2 July 1492	14 September 1495	Died young. Mary Tudor	18 March 1496	25 June 1533	Married (1) Louis XII, King of France (1462–1515) in 1514. Married (2) Charles Brandon, 1st Duke of Suffolk (1484–1545) in 1515. Mary was the grandmother of Lady Jane Grey. Edmund Tudor, Duke of Somerset	21 February 1499	19 June 1500	Died young. Katherine Tudor	2 February 1503	10 February 1503	Died shortly after birth. Mother, Elizabeth of York, died as a result of Katherine's birth. An illegitimate son has also been attributed to Henry by "a Breton Lady":

Name	Birth	Death	Notes Sir Roland de Velville or Veleville	1474	25 June 1535	He was knighted in 1497 and was Constable of Beaumaris Castle. He is sometimes presented as the clear "illegitimate issue" of Henry VII of England by "a Breton lady whose name is not known". There is also, however, the possibility that he was simply a favored member of the court of Henry VII and later recipient of beneficences, brought home to England with 28 year old Henry after his exile in Brittany.[60] Further descendants Henry VII's elder surviving daughter Margaret was married first to James IV of Scotland (reigned 1488–1513). Their son became James V of Scotland (reigned 1513–42), whose daughter became Mary, Queen of Scots (reigned 1542–67). Margaret Tudor's second marriage was to Archibald Douglas; their grandson, Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley married Mary, Queen of Scots. Their son, James VI of Scotland (reigned 1567–1625), inherited the throne of England as James I (reigned 1603–25) after the death of Henry's granddaughter, Elizabeth I (reigned 1558–1603). After divorcing Douglas, her third and final marriage was to Henry Stewart, with whom she had another daughter, Dorothea Stewart.

Henry VII's other surviving daughter, Mary first married King Louis XII of France (reigned 1498–1515), who died after only about three months of marriage. She then married the Duke of Suffolk without the permission of her brother, now King Henry VIII. Their daughter Frances married Henry Grey, and her children included Lady Jane Grey, in whose name her parents and in-laws tried to seize the throne after Edward VI of England (reigned 1547–53) died.

The current monarch of the United Kingdom, Elizabeth II, is a direct descendant of Henry VII. The daughter of Henry's double-great-great grandson James I/VI, Elizabeth Stuart, was the mother of Sophia of Hanover whose descendants were the monarchs of the House of Hanover and the succeeding House of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha/Windsor.

Ancestry [show]Ancestors of Henry VII of England See also Cestui que Cultural depictions of Henry VII of England Notes Jump up ^ Thomas Penn. Winter King – Henry VII and The Dawn of Tudor England. p. 371. Simon & Schuster, 2011. ISBN 978-1-4391-9156-9 Jump up ^ Guy, John (1988). "The Tudor Age (1485–1603)". "The Oxford History of Britain". pp. 272–273 Jump up ^ Caroline Rogers and Roger Turvey, Henry VII, London: Hodder Murray, 2005 Jump up ^ Kendall, Paul Murray. Richard the Third. p. 13. Jump up ^ Williams, Neville. The Life and Times of Henry VII. p. 17. Jump up ^ Kendall, Paul Murray. Richard the Third. p. 156. ^ Jump up to: a b Chrimes, S.B. Henry VII. p. 3. Jump up ^ Davies, Norman. The Isles – A History. pp. 337–379. ^ Jump up to: a b Mackie, J.D. The Earlier Tudors 1485–1558. p. 47. ^ Jump up to: a b Mackie, J.D. The Earlier Tudors 1485–1558. p. 54. Jump up ^ Chrimes, S.B. Henry VII. p. 4. Jump up ^ Ashley, Mike. The Mammoth Book of British Kings and Queens. p. 331. Jump up ^ Garmon Jones, W. Welsh Nationalism and Henry Tudor. p. 30. Jump up ^ Chrimes, S.B. Henry VII. pp. 4–5. Jump up ^ Starkey, David. Monarchy: From the Middle Ages to Modernity. p. 4. Jump up ^ Marilee Mongello. "Tudor Monarchs – Henry VII, one". Englishhistory.net. Retrieved 7 February 2013. ^ Jump up to: a b Williams, Neville. The Life and Times of Henry VII. p. 19. Jump up ^ S. B. Chrimes, Henry VII (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1977) p. 65. ^ Jump up to: a b Williams, Neville. The Life and Times of Henry VII. p. 25. Jump up ^ Kendall, Paul Murray. Richard the Third. p. 297. Jump up ^ Henry's return to Wales was regarded by some as the fulfilment of a Messianic prophecy. Rees, David (1985). The Son of Prophecy: Henry Tudor's Road to Bosworth. London: Black Raven Press. ISBN 0-85159-005-5. Jump up ^ Kendall, Paul Murray. Richard the Third. p. 361. Jump up ^ Estimates of the size of Henry's army at Bosworth vary. Williams, Neville. The Life and Times of Henry VII. p. 31., gives a figure of 'perhaps' 6,000. Jump up ^ S. B. Chrimes, Henry VII, p. 53. Jump up ^ Genealogical tables in Morgan, Kenneth O. The Oxford History of Britain. p. 709. Jump up ^ Weir, Alison (1995). The Princes in the Tower. New York: Ballantine. p. 190. ISBN 0-345-39178-0. Jump up ^ S.. Chrimes, Henry VII, p. 50. Jump up ^ "Westminster Abbey website: Coronations, Henry VII and Elizabeth of York". Retrieved 4 March 2013. Jump up ^ S. B. Chrimes, Henry VII, p. 51. Jump up ^ S. B. Chrimes, Henry VII, p. 69. Jump up ^ S. B. Chrimes, Henry VII, p. 72. Jump up ^ Williams, Neville. The Life and Times of Henry VII. p. 62. Jump up ^ S. B. Chrimes, Henry VII, pp. 69–70. Jump up ^ S. B. Chrimes, p. 72. Jump up ^ Penn 2011, pp. 22–23. Jump up ^ S. B. Chimes, Henry VII (Yale University Press, 1977) p. 119. Jump up ^ S. B. Chrimes, Henry VII, p. 121 ^ Jump up to: a b S. B. Chrimes, Henry VII, p. 203. Jump up ^ John M. Currin, "'The King's Army into the Partes of Bretaigne': Henry VII and the Breton Wars, 1489–1491," War in History, Nov 2000, Vol. 7 Issue 4, p379-412 Jump up ^ UK CPI inflation numbers based on data available from Gregory Clark (2014), "What Were the British Earnings and Prices Then? (New Series)" MeasuringWorth. Jump up ^ Weir, Alison. Henry VIII: King and Court. p. 13. Jump up ^ Williams, Neville. The Life and Times of Henry VII. pp. 167–168. Jump up ^ Williams, Neville. The Life and Times of Henry VII. pp. 198–201. Jump up ^ Penn 2011, p. 201 Jump up ^ Penn 2011, p. 203-204. Jump up ^ Williams, Neville. The Life and Times of Henry VII. p. 178. Jump up ^ MacCulloch, Diarmaid (1996). "The Consolidation of England 1485–1603". "The Oxford Illustrated History of Tudor and Stuart Britain". pp. 39–42 Jump up ^ Penn 2011, p. 70. Jump up ^ Chrimes Henry VII pp.302–4 Jump up ^ Penn, Thomas (March 12, 2013). Winter King: Henry VII and the Dawn of Tudor England (Reprint edition ed.). Simon and Schuster. p. 204. ISBN 978-1439191576. Jump up ^ Schwarz, Arthur L., VIVAT REX! An Exhibition Commemorating the 500th Anniversary of the Accession of Henry VIII (The Grolier Club, 2009), p. 58 "Henry's Father Searches for a New Wife". Jump up ^ http://authorherstorianparent.blogspot.com/2011/11/henry-viis-half-hearted-attempts-to-woo.html Jump up ^ http://books.google.com/books?id=DBEPoST7-ooC&pg=PT52&lpg=PT52&dq=henry+vii+shattered+by+death&source=bl&ots=JuUI5CBqo-&sig=D9RmFZUPf3O4d5i96kD_Ehn3Izo&hl=en&sa=X&ei=OEciVNrSLJSwyATWnIDgDQ&ved=0CB0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=henry%20vii%20shattered%20by%20death&f=false Jump up ^ Chrimes Henry VII p.304 Jump up ^ Penn, Thomas (March 12, 2013). Winter King: Henry VII and the Dawn of Tudor England (Reprint edition ed.). Simon and Schuster. pp. 110–113. ISBN 978-1439191576. Jump up ^ S.B. Chrimes, Henry VII, 313, 314 n5 Jump up ^ Chrimes, Henry VII p. 53 Jump up ^ Desmond Seward, The Wars of the Roses pg 318 Jump up ^ Steven Gunn, "Politic history, New Monarchy and state formation: Henry VII in European perspective," Historical Research, Aug 2009, Vol. 82 Issue 217, pp 380–392 Jump up ^ Weir, Alison. Britain's Royal Families: The Complete Genealogy, p. 152 References Ashley, Mike (2002). British Kings & Queens. Carroll & Graf. pp. 280–286. ISBN 0-7867-1104-3. Chrimes, Stanley B. (1999) [First publisher in 1972]. Henry VII. New Haven: Yale University Press, second ed. ISBN 0-520-02266-1. Cunningham, Sean (2007). Henry VII. New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-26620-3. Currin, John M. "'The King's Army into the Partes of Bretaigne': Henry VII and the Breton Wars, 1489–1491," War in History, Nov 2000, Vol. 7, Issue 4 Gunn, Steven. "Politic history, New Monarchy and state formation: Henry VII in European perspective," Historical Research, Aug 2009, Vol. 82 Issue 217, pp 380–392 Guy, John (1988). "The Tudor Age (1485–1603)". In Morgan, Kenneth O. The Oxford History of Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-285202-7 Kendall, Paul Murray (1973). Richard the Third. Sphere Books. ISBN 0-351-17095-2. MacCulloch, Diarmaid (1996). "The Consolidation of England 1485–1603". In Morrill, John. The Oxford Illustrated History of Tudor and Stuart Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-289327-0 Morgan, Kenneth O. (1988). The Oxford History of Britain. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-285202-7. Morrill, John (1996). The Oxford Illustrated History of Tudor and Stuart Britain. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press. Penn, Thomas (2011). Winter King – Henry VII and The Dawn of Tudor England. London: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-1-4391-9156-9 Rogers, Caroline; Turvey, Roger (2000). Henry VII. London: Hodder & Stoughton Educational. ISBN 0-340-75381-1. Starkey, David (2006). Monarchy: From the Middle Ages to Modernity. New York, NY: Harper Perennial. ISBN 0-00-724766-4. Towle, Carolyn; Hunt, Jocelyn (1998). Henry VII. New York: Longman. ISBN 0-582-29691-9. Weir, Alison (2011). Britain's Royal Families: The Complete Genealogy. London, UK: Vintage. ISBN 1-446-44911-4. Weir, Alison (2002). Henry VIII: King and Court. London: Pimlico. ISBN 0-7126-6451-3. Weir, Alison (1995). The Princes in the Tower. New York: Ballantine. ISBN 0-345-39178-0. Williams, Neville (1973). The Life and Times of Henry VII. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. ISBN 0-297-76517-5. External links Illustrated history of Henry VII Wars of the Roses Information on Henry and Bosworth Tudor Place page on Henry VII Dictionary of National Biography excerpt Henry VII of England House of Tudor Born: 28 January 1457 Died: 21 April 1509 Regnal titles Preceded by Richard III	King of England Lord of Ireland 1485–1509	Succeeded by Henry VIII Peerage of England Preceded by Edmund Tudor	Earl of Richmond 10th creation 1478–1485	Merged in Crown [show] v t e English, Scottish and British monarchs [show] v t e Wars of the Roses Categories: Henry VII of EnglandBurials at Westminster AbbeyDeaths from tuberculosisEarls of Richmond (1452)English monarchsEnglish pretenders to the French throneHouse of TudorKnights of the Golden FleecePeople from PembrokeshirePeople of the Wars of the RosesRoman Catholic monarchsWelsh emigrants1457 births1509 deaths15th-century monarchs in Europe16th-century monarchs in Europe Navigation menu Ben Greer0TalkSandboxPreferencesBetaWatchlistContributionsLog outArticleTalkReadView sourceView historyWatch

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See also[edit] Portal icon	Poetry portal List of English royal mistresses Categories: Maids of HonourMistresses of Henry VIII of EnglandWomen of the Tudor periodEnglish women poets16th-century women writersArticles about multiple people16th-century English people16th-century poets16th-century womenEnglish womenShelton family --

Mary I of England From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Changes must be reviewed before being displayed on this page.Accepted (latest)show/hide details "Mary of England" redirects here. For other uses, see Mary of England (disambiguation). Page protected with pending changes level 1 Mary I Maria Tudor1.jpg Portrait by Antonis Mor, 1554 Queen of England and Ireland (more...) Reign	July 1553[1] – 17 November 1558 Coronation	1 October 1553 Predecessor	Jane (disputed) or Edward VI Successor	Elizabeth I Co-monarch	Philip Queen consort of Spain Tenure	16 January 1556 – 17 November 1558 Spouse	Philip II of Spain House	House of Tudor Father	Henry VIII of England Mother	Catherine of Aragon Born	18 February 1516 Palace of Placentia, Greenwich Died	17 November 1558 (aged 42) St James's Palace, London Burial	14 December 1558 Westminster Abbey, London Religion	Roman Catholicism Signature Mary I (18 February 1516 – 17 November 1558) was Queen of England and Ireland from July 1553 until her death. Her executions of Protestants caused her opponents to give her the sobriquet "Bloody Mary".

She was the only child of Henry VIII and his first wife Catherine of Aragon who survived to adulthood. Her younger half-brother Edward VI (son of Henry and Jane Seymour) succeeded their father in 1547. When Edward became mortally ill in 1553, he attempted to remove Mary from the line of succession because of religious differences. On his death their first cousin once removed, Lady Jane Grey, was initially proclaimed queen. Mary assembled a force in East Anglia and successfully deposed Jane, who was ultimately beheaded. In 1554, Mary married Philip of Spain, becoming queen consort of Habsburg Spain on his accession in 1556.

As the fourth crowned monarch of the Tudor dynasty, Mary is remembered for her restoration of Roman Catholicism after the short-lived Protestant reign of her half-brother. During her five-year reign, she had over 280 religious dissenters burned at the stake in the Marian persecutions. Her re-establishment of Roman Catholicism was reversed after her death in 1558 by her younger half-sister and successor Elizabeth I, daughter of Henry and Anne Boleyn.

Contents [hide] 1 Birth and family 2 Education and marriage plans 3 Adolescence 4 Adulthood 5 Accession 5.1 Spanish marriage 5.2 False pregnancy 5.3 Religious policy 5.4 Foreign policy 5.5 Commerce and revenue 6 Death 7 Legacy 8 Titles, style and arms 9 Ancestry 9.1 Family tree 9.2 Pedigree 10 Notes 11 References 12 Further reading 13 External links Birth and family[edit] Mary was born on 18 February 1516 at the Palace of Placentia in Greenwich, London. She was the only child of King Henry VIII and his first wife, Catherine of Aragon, to survive infancy. Her mother had many miscarriages;[2] before Mary's birth, four previous pregnancies had resulted in a stillborn daughter and three short-lived or stillborn sons, including Henry, Duke of Cornwall.[3] She was baptised into the Catholic faith at the Church of the Observant Friars in Greenwich three days after her birth.[4] Her godparents included her great-aunt the Countess of Devon, Lord Chancellor Thomas Wolsey, and the Duchess of Norfolk.[5] Henry VIII's cousin once removed, Margaret Pole, 8th Countess of Salisbury, stood sponsor for Mary's confirmation, which was held immediately after the baptism.[6] The following year, Mary became a godmother herself when she was named as one of the sponsors of her cousin Frances Brandon.[7] In 1520, the Countess of Salisbury was appointed Mary's governess.[8] Sir John Hussey, later Lord Hussey, was her chamberlain from 1530, and his wife, Lady Anne, daughter of George Grey, 2nd Earl of Kent, was one of Mary's attendants.[9]

Education and marriage plans[edit] Mary as a snub-nosed girl with red hair Mary at the time of her engagement to Charles V. She is wearing a square brooch inscribed with "The Emperour".[10] Mary was a precocious child.[11] In July 1520, when scarcely four and a half years old, she entertained a visiting French delegation with a performance on the virginals (a type of harpsichord).[12] A great part of her early education came from her mother, who consulted the Spanish humanist Juan Luis Vives for advice and commissioned him to write De Institutione Feminae Christianae, a treatise on the education of girls.[13] By the age of nine, Mary could read and write Latin.[14] She studied French, Spanish, music, dance, and perhaps Greek.[15] Henry VIII doted on his daughter and boasted to the Venetian ambassador Sebastian Giustiniani, "This girl never cries".[16] Also, as the miniature portrait of her shows, Mary had, like both her parents, a very fair complexion, pale blue eyes and red or reddish-golden hair. She was also ruddy cheeked, a trait she inherited from her father.[17]

Despite his affection for Mary, Henry was deeply disappointed that his marriage had produced no sons.[18] By the time Mary was nine years old, it was apparent that Henry and Catherine would have no more children, leaving Henry without a legitimate male heir.[19] In 1525, Henry sent Mary to the border of Wales to preside, presumably in name only, over the Council of Wales and the Marches.[20] She was given her own court based at Ludlow Castle and many of the royal prerogatives normally reserved for the Prince of Wales. Vives and others called her the Princess of Wales, although she was never technically invested with the title.[21] She appears to have spent three years in the Welsh Marches, making regular visits to her father's court, before returning permanently to the home counties around London in mid-1528.[22]

Throughout Mary's childhood, Henry negotiated potential future marriages for her. When she was only two years old, she was promised to the Dauphin, the infant son of King Francis I of France, but the contract was repudiated after three years.[23] In 1522, at the age of six, she was instead contracted to marry her 22-year-old first cousin, Holy Roman Emperor Charles V.[24] However, the engagement was broken off within a few years by Charles with Henry's agreement.[25] Cardinal Wolsey, Henry's chief adviser, then resumed marriage negotiations with the French, and Henry suggested that Mary marry the Dauphin's father, King Francis I himself, who was eager for an alliance with England.[26] A marriage treaty was signed which provided that Mary marry either Francis I or his second son Henry, Duke of Orleans,[27] but Wolsey secured an alliance with France without the marriage. According to a Venetian observer, Mario Savorgnano, Mary was developing into a pretty, well-proportioned young lady with a fine complexion.[28]

Adolescence[edit] Meanwhile, the marriage of Mary's parents was in jeopardy. Disappointed at the lack of a male heir, and eager to remarry, Henry attempted to have his marriage to Catherine annulled, but Pope Clement VII refused his requests. Henry claimed, citing biblical passages (Leviticus 20:21), that his marriage to Catherine was unclean because she was the widow of his brother (Mary's uncle) Arthur. Catherine claimed that her marriage to Arthur was never consummated, and so was not a valid marriage. Indeed, her first marriage had been annulled by a previous pope, Julius II, on that basis. Clement may have been reluctant to act because he was influenced by Charles V, Catherine's nephew and Mary's former betrothed, whose troops had surrounded and occupied Rome in the War of the League of Cognac.[29]

From 1531, Mary was often sick with irregular menstruation and depression, although it is not clear whether this was caused by stress, puberty or a more deep-seated disease.[30] She was not permitted to see her mother, who had been sent to live away from court by Henry.[31] In early 1533, Henry married Anne Boleyn, who was pregnant with his child, and in May Thomas Cranmer, the Archbishop of Canterbury, formally declared the marriage with Catherine void, and the marriage to Anne valid. Henry broke with the Roman Catholic Church and declared himself Supreme Head of the Church of England. Catherine was demoted to Dowager Princess of Wales (a title she would have held as the widow of Arthur), and Mary was deemed illegitimate. She was styled "The Lady Mary" rather than Princess, and her place in the line of succession was transferred to her newborn half-sister, Elizabeth, Anne's daughter.[32] Mary's own household was dissolved;[33] her servants (including the Countess of Salisbury) were dismissed from her service, and in December 1533 she was sent to join the household of the infant Elizabeth at Hatfield, Hertfordshire.[34]

Mary determinedly refused to acknowledge that Anne was the queen or that Elizabeth was a princess, further enraging King Henry.[35] Under strain and with her movements restricted, Mary was frequently ill, which the royal physician attributed to her "ill treatment".[36] The Imperial ambassador Eustace Chapuys became her close adviser, and interceded, unsuccessfully, on her behalf at court.[37] The relationship between Mary and her father worsened; they did not speak to each other for three years.[38] Although both she and her mother were ill, Mary was refused permission to visit Catherine.[39] When Catherine died in 1536, Mary was "inconsolable".[40] Catherine was interred in Peterborough Cathedral while Mary grieved in semi-seclusion at Hunsdon in Hertfordshire.[41]

Adulthood[edit] In 1536, Queen Anne fell from the king's favour and was beheaded. Elizabeth, like Mary, was downgraded to the status of Lady and removed from the line of succession.[42] Within two weeks of Anne's execution, Henry married Jane Seymour. Jane urged her husband to make peace with Mary.[43] Henry insisted that Mary recognise him as head of the Church of England, repudiate papal authority, acknowledge that the marriage between her parents was unlawful, and accept her own illegitimacy. She attempted to reconcile with him by submitting to his authority as far as "God and my conscience" permitted, but she was eventually bullied into signing a document agreeing to all of Henry's demands.[44] Reconciled with her father, Mary resumed her place at court.[45] Henry granted her a household (which included the reinstatement of Mary's favourite Susan Clarencieux).[46] Her privy purse expenses for this period show that Hatfield House, the Palace of Beaulieu (also called Newhall), Richmond and Hunsdon were among her principal places of residence, as well as Henry's palaces at Greenwich, Westminster and Hampton Court.[47] Her expenses included fine clothes and gambling at cards, one of her favourite pastimes.[48] Rebels in the North of England, including Lord Hussey, Mary's former chamberlain, campaigned against Henry's religious reforms, and one of their demands was that Mary be made legitimate. The rebellion, known as the Pilgrimage of Grace, was ruthlessly suppressed.[49] Along with other rebels, Hussey was executed, but there was no suggestion that Mary was directly involved.[50] The following year, 1537, Jane died after giving birth to a son, Edward. Mary was made godmother to her half-brother and acted as chief mourner at the queen's funeral.[51]

Mary as a young woman Mary in 1544 Mary was courted by Duke Philip of Bavaria from late 1539, but Philip was Lutheran and his suit for her hand was unsuccessful.[52] Over 1539, the king's chief minister, Thomas Cromwell, negotiated a potential alliance with the Duchy of Cleves. Suggestions that Mary marry the Duke of Cleves, who was the same age, came to nothing, but a match between Henry and the Duke's sister Anne was agreed.[53] When the king saw Anne for the first time in late December 1539, a week before the scheduled wedding, he did not find her attractive but was unable, for diplomatic reasons and in the absence of a suitable pretext, to cancel the marriage.[54] Cromwell fell from favour and was arrested for treason in June 1540; one of the unlikely charges against him was that he had plotted to marry Mary himself.[55] Anne consented to the annulment of the marriage, which had not been consummated, and Cromwell was beheaded.[56]

In 1541, Henry had the Countess of Salisbury, Mary's old governess and godmother, executed on the pretext of a Catholic plot, in which her son (Reginald Pole) was implicated.[57] Her executioner was "a wretched and blundering youth" who "literally hacked her head and shoulders to pieces".[58] In 1542, following the execution of Henry's fifth wife, Catherine Howard, the unmarried Henry invited Mary to attend the royal Christmas festivities.[59] At court, while her father was between marriages and without a consort, Mary acted as hostess.[60] In 1543, Henry married his sixth and last wife, Catherine Parr, who was able to bring the family closer together.[61] Henry returned Mary and Elizabeth to the line of succession, through the Act of Succession 1544, placing them after Edward. However, both remained legally illegitimate.[62]

In 1547, Henry died and Edward succeeded as Edward VI. Mary inherited estates in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex, and was granted Hunsdon and Beaulieu as her own.[63] Since Edward was still a child, rule passed to a regency council dominated by Protestants, who attempted to establish their faith throughout the country. For example, the Act of Uniformity 1549 prescribed Protestant rites for church services, such as the use of Thomas Cranmer's new Book of Common Prayer. Mary remained faithful to Roman Catholicism, and defiantly celebrated the traditional mass in her own chapel. She appealed to her cousin Charles V to apply diplomatic pressure demanding that she be able to practice her religion.[64]

For most of Edward's reign, Mary remained on her own estates, and rarely attended court.[65] A plan between May and July 1550 to smuggle her out of England to the safety of the European mainland came to nothing.[66] Religious differences between Mary and Edward continued. When Mary was in her thirties, she attended a reunion with Edward and Elizabeth for Christmas 1550, where 13-year-old Edward embarrassed Mary, and reduced both her and himself to tears in front of the court, by publicly reproving her for ignoring his laws regarding worship.[67] Mary repeatedly refused Edward's demands that she abandon Catholicism, and Edward repeatedly refused to drop his demands.[68]

Accession[edit] On 6 July 1553, at the age of 15, Edward VI died from a lung infection, possibly tuberculosis.[69] He did not want the crown to go to Mary because he feared she would restore Catholicism and undo his reforms, as well as those of Henry VIII, and so he planned to exclude her from the line of succession. His advisers, however, told him that he could not disinherit only one of his sisters, but that he would have to disinherit Elizabeth as well, even though she embraced the Church of England. Guided by John Dudley, 1st Duke of Northumberland, and perhaps others, Edward excluded both of his sisters from the line of succession in his will.[70]

Contradicting the Succession Act, which restored Mary and Elizabeth to the line of succession, Edward named Dudley's daughter-in-law Lady Jane Grey, the granddaughter of Henry VIII's younger sister Mary, as his successor. Lady Jane's mother was Frances Brandon, who was Mary's cousin and goddaughter. Just before Edward VI's death, Mary was summoned to London to visit her dying brother. She was warned, however, that the summons was a pretext on which to capture her and thereby facilitate Lady Jane's accession to the throne.[71] Instead of heading to London from her residence at Hunsdon, Mary fled into East Anglia, where she owned extensive estates and Dudley had ruthlessly put down Kett's Rebellion. Many adherents to the Catholic faith, opponents of Dudley, lived there.[72] On 9 July, from Kenninghall, Norfolk, she wrote to the privy council with orders for her proclamation as Edward's successor.[73]

On 10 July 1553, Lady Jane was proclaimed queen by Dudley and his supporters, and on the same day Mary's letter to the council arrived in London. By 12 July, Mary and her supporters had assembled a military force at Framlingham Castle, Suffolk.[74] Dudley's support collapsed, and Mary's grew.[75] Jane was deposed on 19 July.[76] She and Dudley were imprisoned in the Tower of London. Mary rode triumphantly into London on 3 August 1553 on a wave of popular support. She was accompanied by her half-sister Elizabeth, and a procession of over 800 nobles and gentlemen.[77]

One of Mary's first actions as queen was to order the release of the Roman Catholic Duke of Norfolk and Stephen Gardiner from imprisonment in the Tower of London, as well as her kinsman Edward Courtenay.[78] Mary understood that the young Lady Jane was essentially a pawn in Dudley's scheme, and Dudley was the only conspirator of rank executed for high treason in the immediate aftermath of the coup. Lady Jane and her husband, Lord Guildford Dudley, though found guilty, were kept under guard in the Tower rather than immediately executed, while Lady Jane's father, Henry Grey, 1st Duke of Suffolk, was released.[79] Mary was left in a difficult position, as almost all the Privy Counsellors had been implicated in the plot to put Lady Jane on the throne.[80] She appointed Gardiner to the council and made him both Bishop of Winchester and Lord Chancellor, offices he held until his death in November 1555. Susan Clarencieux became Mistress of the Robes.[81] On 1 October 1553, Gardiner crowned Mary at Westminster Abbey.[82]

Spanish marriage[edit]

Philip of Spain by Titian At age 37, Mary turned her attention to finding a husband and producing an heir, thus preventing the Protestant Elizabeth (still her successor under the terms of Henry VIII's will and the Act of Succession of 1544) from succeeding to the throne. Edward Courtenay and Reginald Pole were both mentioned as prospective suitors, but her cousin Charles V suggested she marry his only son, Prince Philip of Spain.[83] Philip had a son from a previous marriage, and was heir apparent to vast territories in Continental Europe and the New World. As part of the marriage negotiations, a portrait of Philip by Titian was sent to her in September 1553.[84]

Lord Chancellor Gardiner and the House of Commons unsuccessfully petitioned her to consider marrying an Englishman, fearing that England would be relegated to a dependency of the Habsburgs.[85] The marriage was unpopular with the English; Gardiner and his allies opposed it on the basis of patriotism, while Protestants were motivated by a fear of Catholicism.[86] When Mary insisted on marrying Philip, insurrections broke out. Thomas Wyatt the younger led a force from Kent to depose Mary in favour of Elizabeth, as part of a wider conspiracy now known as Wyatt's rebellion, which also involved the Duke of Suffolk, the father of Lady Jane.[87] Mary declared publicly that she would summon Parliament to discuss the marriage, and if Parliament decided that the marriage was not to the advantage of the kingdom, she would refrain from pursuing it.[88] On reaching London, Wyatt was defeated and captured. Wyatt, the Duke of Suffolk, his daughter Lady Jane, and her husband Guildford Dudley were executed. Courtenay, who was implicated in the plot, was imprisoned, and then exiled. Elizabeth, though protesting her innocence in the Wyatt affair, was imprisoned in the Tower of London for two months, then was put under house arrest at Woodstock Palace.[89]

Mary was—excluding the brief, disputed reigns of the Empress Matilda and Lady Jane Grey—England's first queen regnant. Further, under the English common law doctrine of jure uxoris, the property and titles belonging to a woman became her husband's upon marriage, and it was feared that any man she married would thereby become King of England in fact and in name.[90] While Mary's grandparents, Ferdinand and Isabella, had retained sovereignty of their own realms during their marriage, there was no precedent to follow in England.[91] Under the terms of Queen Mary's Marriage Act, Philip was to be styled "King of England", all official documents (including Acts of Parliament) were to be dated with both their names, and Parliament was to be called under the joint authority of the couple, for Mary's lifetime only. England would not be obliged to provide military support to Philip's father in any war, and Philip could not act without his wife's consent or appoint foreigners to office in England.[92] Philip was unhappy at the conditions imposed, but he was ready to agree for the sake of securing the marriage.[93] He had no amorous feelings toward Mary and sought the marriage for its political and strategic gains; Philip's aide Ruy Gómez de Silva wrote to a correspondent in Brussels, "the marriage was concluded for no fleshly consideration, but in order to remedy the disorders of this kingdom and to preserve the Low Countries."[94]

Interior scene of the royal couple with Mary seated beneath a coat of arms and Philip stood beside her Mary and her husband, Philip To elevate his son to Mary's rank, Emperor Charles V ceded the crown of Naples, as well as his claim to the Kingdom of Jerusalem, to Philip. Therefore, Mary became Queen of Naples and titular Queen of Jerusalem upon marriage.[95] Their marriage at Winchester Cathedral on 25 July 1554 took place just two days after their first meeting.[96] Philip could not speak English, and so they spoke in a mixture of Spanish, French, and Latin.[97]

False pregnancy[edit] In September 1554, Mary stopped menstruating. She gained weight, and felt nauseated in the mornings. For these reasons, almost the entirety of her court, including her doctors, believed her to be pregnant.[98] Parliament passed an act making Philip regent in the event of Mary's death in childbirth.[99] In the last week of April 1555, Elizabeth was released from house arrest, and called to court as a witness to the birth, which was expected imminently.[100] According to Giovanni Michieli, the Venetian ambassador, Philip may have planned to marry Elizabeth in the event of Mary's death in childbirth,[101] but in a letter to his brother-in-law, Maximilian of Austria, Philip expressed uncertainty as to whether his wife was pregnant.[102]

Thanksgiving services in the diocese of London were held at the end of April after false rumours that Mary had given birth to a son spread across Europe.[103] Through May and June, the apparent delay in delivery fed gossip that Mary was not pregnant.[104] Susan Clarencieux revealed her doubts to the French ambassador, Antoine de Noailles.[105] Mary continued to exhibit signs of pregnancy until July 1555, when her abdomen receded. There was no baby. Michieli dismissively ridiculed the pregnancy as more likely to "end in wind rather than anything else".[106] It was most likely a false pregnancy, perhaps induced by Mary's overwhelming desire to have a child.[107] In August, soon after the disgrace of the false pregnancy, which Mary considered to be "God's punishment" for her having "tolerated heretics" in her realm,[108] Philip left England to command his armies against France in Flanders.[109] Mary was heartbroken and fell into a deep depression. Michieli was touched by the queen's grief; he wrote she was "extraordinarily in love" with her husband, and was disconsolate at his departure.[110]

Elizabeth remained at court until October, apparently restored to favour.[111] In the absence of any children, Philip was concerned that after Mary and Elizabeth, one of the next claimants to the English throne was the Queen of Scots, who was betrothed to the Dauphin of France. Philip persuaded Mary that Elizabeth should marry his cousin, Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, to secure the Catholic succession and preserve the Habsburg interest in England, but Elizabeth refused to comply and parliamentary consent was unlikely.[112]

Religious policy[edit]

Bronze medal showing Mary in profile, 1554 Mary in an ornate dress Mary by Hans Eworth, 1554. She wears a jewelled pendant bearing the pearl known as La Peregrina set beneath two diamonds. In the month following her accession, Mary issued a proclamation that she would not compel any of her subjects to follow her religion, but by the end of September leading reforming churchmen, such as John Bradford, John Rogers, John Hooper, Hugh Latimer and Thomas Cranmer were imprisoned.[113] Mary's first Parliament, which assembled in early October 1553, declared the marriage of her parents valid, and abolished Edward's religious laws.[114] Church doctrine was restored to the form it had taken in the 1539 Six Articles, which, for example, re-affirmed clerical celibacy. Married priests were deprived of their benefices.[115]

Mary had always rejected the break with Rome instituted by her father and the establishment of Protestantism by Edward VI. She and her husband wanted England to reconcile with Rome. Philip persuaded Parliament to repeal the Protestant religious laws passed by Mary's father, thus returning the English church to Roman jurisdiction. Reaching an agreement took many months, and Mary and Pope Julius III had to make a major concession: the monastery lands confiscated under Henry were not returned to the church but remained in the hands of the new landowners, who were very influential.[116] By the end of 1554, the pope had approved the deal, and the Heresy Acts were revived.[117]

Under the Heresy Acts, numerous Protestants were executed in the Marian persecutions. Many rich Protestants, including John Foxe, chose exile, and around 800 left the country.[118] The first executions occurred over a period of five days in early February 1555: John Rogers on 4 February, Laurence Saunders on 8 February, and Rowland Taylor and John Hooper on 9 February.[119] The imprisoned Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Cranmer was forced to watch Bishops Ridley and Latimer being burned at the stake. Cranmer recanted, repudiated Protestant theology, and rejoined the Catholic faith.[120] Under the normal process of the law, he should have been absolved as a repentant. Mary, however, refused to reprieve him. On the day of his burning, he dramatically withdrew his recantation.[121] All told 283 were executed, most by burning.[122] The burnings proved so unpopular, that even Alfonso de Castro, one of Philip's own ecclesiastical staff, condemned them,[123] and Philip's adviser, Simon Renard, warned him that such "cruel enforcement" could "cause a revolt".[124] Mary persevered with the policy, which continued until her death and exacerbated anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish feeling among the English people.[125] The victims of the persecutions became lauded as martyrs.[126]

Reginald Pole, the son of Mary's executed governess, and once considered a suitor, arrived as papal legate in November 1554.[127] He was ordained a priest and appointed Archbishop of Canterbury immediately after Cranmer's death in March 1556.[128][129]

Foreign policy[edit] Furthering the Tudor conquest of Ireland, under Mary's reign English colonists were settled in the Irish Midlands to reduce the attacks on the Pale (the area around Dublin controlled by the English). Queen's and King's Counties (now Counties Laois and Offaly) were founded, and their plantation began.[130] Their principal towns were respectively named Maryborough (now Portlaoise) and Philipstown (now Daingean).

In January 1556, Mary's father-in-law abdicated and Philip became King of Spain, with Mary as his consort. They were still apart; Philip was declared king in Brussels, but Mary stayed in England. Philip negotiated an unsteady truce with the French in February 1556. The following month, the French ambassador in England, Antoine de Noailles, was implicated in a plot against Mary when Sir Henry Dudley, a second cousin of the executed Duke of Northumberland, attempted to assemble an invasion force in France. The plot, known as the Dudley conspiracy, was betrayed, and the conspirators in England were rounded up. Dudley remained in exile in France, and Noailles prudently left Britain.[131]

Philip returned to England from March to July 1557 to persuade Mary to support Spain in a renewed war against France. Mary was in favour of declaring war, but her councillors opposed it because French trade would be jeopardised, it contravened the marriage treaty, and a bad economic legacy from Edward VI's reign and a series of poor harvests meant England lacked supplies and finances.[132] War was only declared in June 1557 after Reginald Pole's nephew, Thomas Stafford, invaded England and seized Scarborough Castle with French help in a failed attempt to depose Mary.[133] As a result of the war, relations between England and the Papacy became strained, since Pope Paul IV was allied with Henry II of France.[134] In January 1558, French forces took Calais, England's sole remaining possession on the European mainland. Although the territory was financially burdensome, it was an ideological loss that damaged Mary's prestige.[135] According to Holinshed's Chronicles, Mary later lamented, "When I am dead and opened, you shall find 'Calais' lying in my heart".

Commerce and revenue[edit] The years of Mary's reign were consistently wet. The persistent rain and subsequent flooding led to famine.[136] Another problem was the decline of the Antwerp cloth trade.[137] Despite Mary's marriage to Philip, England did not benefit from Spain's enormously lucrative trade with the New World.[138] The Spanish guarded their trade routes jealously, and Mary could not condone illegitimate trade (in the form of piracy) because she was married to the King of Spain.[139] In an attempt to increase trade and rescue the English economy, Mary's counsellors continued Northumberland's policy of seeking out new commercial opportunities. She granted a royal charter to the Muscovy Company, whose first governor was Sebastian Cabot,[140] and commissioned a world atlas from Diogo Homem.[141] Adventurers like John Lok and William Towerson sailed south in an attempt to develop links with the coast of Africa.[142]

Financially, Mary's regime tried to reconcile a modern form of government—with correspondingly higher spending—with a medieval system of collecting taxation and dues.[143] Mary retained the Edwardian appointee William Paulet, 1st Marquess of Winchester, as Lord High Treasurer and assigned him to oversee the revenue collection system. A failure to apply new tariffs to new forms of imports meant that a key source of revenue was neglected. To solve this problem, Mary's government published a revised "Book of Rates" (1558), which listed the tariffs and duties for every import. This publication was not extensively reviewed until 1604.[144]

English coinage was debased under both Henry VIII and Edward VI. Mary drafted plans for currency reform but they were not implemented until after her death.[145]

Death[edit]

Portrait by Hans Eworth After Philip's visit in 1557, Mary thought herself pregnant again with a baby due in March 1558.[146] She decreed in her will that her husband be the regent during the minority of her child.[147] However, no child was born, and Mary was forced to accept that Elizabeth was her lawful successor.[148]

Mary was weak and ill from May 1558,[149] and died aged 42 at St. James's Palace during an influenza epidemic that also claimed the life of Reginald Pole later the same day, 17 November 1558. She was in pain, possibly from ovarian cysts or uterine cancer.[150] She was succeeded by her half-sister. Philip, who was in Brussels, wrote to his sister Joan: "I felt a reasonable regret for her death."[151]

Although her will stated that she wished to be buried next to her mother, Mary was interred in Westminster Abbey on 14 December in a tomb she would eventually share with Elizabeth. The Latin inscription on their tomb, Regno consortes et urna, hic obdormimus Elizabetha et Maria sorores, in spe resurrectionis (affixed there by James VI of Scotland when he succeeded Elizabeth as King James I of England) translates to "Consorts in realm and tomb, here we sleep, Elizabeth and Mary, sisters, in hope of resurrection".[152]

Legacy[edit] See also: Cultural depictions of Mary I of England At her funeral service, John White (the Bishop of Winchester) praised Mary: "She was a king's daughter; she was a king's sister; she was a king's wife. She was a queen, and by the same title a king also."[153] She was the first woman to successfully claim the throne of England, despite competing claims and determined opposition, and enjoyed popular support and sympathy during the earliest parts of her reign, especially from the Roman Catholic population.[154] Catholic historians, such as John Lingard, thought Mary's policies failed not because they were wrong but because she had too short a reign to establish them and because of natural disasters beyond her control.[155] However, her marriage to Philip was unpopular among her subjects, and her religious policies resulted in deep-seated resentment.[156] The military losses in France, poor weather and failed harvests increased public discontent. Philip spent most of his time abroad, while his wife remained in England, leaving her depressed at his absence and undermined by their inability to have children. After Mary's death, he sought to marry Elizabeth, but she refused him.[157] Thirty years later, he sent the Spanish Armada to overthrow Elizabeth, without success.

By the seventeenth century, Mary's persecution of Protestants had led them to call her Bloody Mary.[158] John Knox attacked her in The First Blast of the Trumpet Against the Monstrous Regiment of Women, published in 1558, and she was prominently featured and vilified in Actes and Monuments, published by John Foxe in 1563, five years after her death. Subsequent editions of the book remained popular with Protestants throughout the following centuries, and helped shape enduring perceptions of Mary as a bloodthirsty tyrant.[159] In the mid-twentieth century, H. F. M. Prescott attempted to redress the tradition that Mary was intolerant and authoritarian by writing more objectively, and scholarship since then has tended to view the older, simpler, partisan assessments of Mary with greater scepticism.[160] Although Mary's rule was ultimately ineffectual and unpopular, the policies of fiscal reform, naval expansion and colonial exploration that were later lauded as Elizabethan accomplishments were started in Mary's reign.[161]

Titles, style and arms[edit] Shield bearing many quarterings held between a black eagle and a lion and surmounted by a crowned helm Arms of Mary I, impaled with those of her husband, Philip II When Mary ascended the throne, she was proclaimed under the same official style as Henry VIII and Edward VI: "Mary, by the Grace of God, Queen of England, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and of the Church of England and of Ireland on Earth Supreme Head". The title Supreme Head of the Church was repugnant to Mary's Catholicism, and she omitted it from Christmas 1553.[162]

Under Mary's marriage treaty with Philip, the official joint style reflected not only Mary's but also Philip's dominions and claims: "Philip and Mary, by the grace of God, King and Queen of England, France, Naples, Jerusalem, and Ireland, Defenders of the Faith, Princes of Spain and Sicily, Archdukes of Austria, Dukes of Milan, Burgundy and Brabant, Counts of Habsburg, Flanders and Tyrol".[95] This style, which had been in use since 1554, was replaced when Philip inherited the Spanish Crown in 1556 with "Philip and Mary, by the Grace of God King and Queen of England, Spain, France, both the Sicilies, Jerusalem and Ireland, Defenders of the Faith, Archdukes of Austria, Dukes of Burgundy, Milan and Brabant, Counts of Habsburg, Flanders and Tyrol".[163]

Mary I's coat of arms was the same as those used by all her predecessors since Henry IV: Quarterly, Azure three fleurs-de-lys Or [for France] and Gules three lions passant guardant in pale Or (for England). Sometimes, her arms were impaled (depicted side-by-side) with those of her husband. She adopted "Truth, the Daughter of Time" (Latin: Veritas Temporis Filia) as her personal motto.[164]

Ancestry[edit] Both Mary and Philip were descended from legitimate children of John of Gaunt, 1st Duke of Lancaster, by his first two wives, a relationship which was used to portray Philip as an English king.[165] Mary descended from the Duke of Lancaster by all three of his wives, Blanche of Lancaster, Constance of Castile, and Katherine Swynford.

Family tree[edit] Richard, 3rd Duke of York Edward IV of England George, 1st Duke of Clarence Isabella I of Castile Ferdinand II of Aragon Henry VII of England Elizabeth of York Margaret Pole, Countess of Salisbury Joanna of Castile Maria of Aragon Catherine of Aragon Henry VIII of England Margaret Tudor Mary Tudor Reginald Pole Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor Isabella of Portugal James V of Scotland Lady Frances Brandon Philip II of Spain Mary I of England Elizabeth I of England Edward VI of England Mary, Queen of Scots Lady Jane Grey Pedigree[edit] [show]Ancestors of Mary I of England Notes[edit] Jump up ^ Her half-brother died on 6 July; she was proclaimed his successor in London on 19 July; her regnal years were dated from 24 July (Weir, p. 160). Jump up ^ Waller, p. 16; Whitelock, p. 9 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 12–13; Weir, pp. 152–153 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 13; Waller, p. 16; Whitelock, p. 7 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 13, 37; Waller, p. 17 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 13; Waller, p. 17; Whitelock, p. 7 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 28; Porter, p. 15 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 29; Porter, p. 16; Waller, p. 20; Whitelock, p. 21 Jump up ^ Hoyle, p. 407 Jump up ^ Whitelock, p. 23 Jump up ^ Whitelock, p. 27 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 19–20; Porter, p. 21 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 31; Porter, p. 30 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 28; Whitelock, p. 27 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 32, 43 Jump up ^ Domine Orator, per Deum immortalem, ista puella nunquam plorat, quoted in Whitelock, p. 17 Jump up ^ Giles Tremlett, "Catherine of Aragon, Henry's Spanish Queen" p.244 Jump up ^ Tittler, p. 1 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 37; Porter, pp. 38–39; Whitelock, pp. 32–33 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 38–39; Whitelock, pp. 32–33 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 23 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 41–42, 45 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 20–21; Waller, pp. 20–21; Whitelock, pp. 18–23 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 22–23; Porter, pp. 21–24; Waller, p. 21; Whitelock, p. 23 Jump up ^ Whitelock, pp. 30–31 Jump up ^ Whitelock, pp. 36–37 Jump up ^ Whitelock, pp. 37–38 Jump up ^ Mario Savorgnano, 25 August 1531, Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, vol. IV, p. 682, quoted in Loades, p. 63 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 56, 78; Whitelock, p. 40 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 27 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 76; Whitelock, p. 48 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 92; Whitelock, pp. 55–56 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 77; Porter, p. 92; Whitelock, p. 57 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 78; Whitelock, p. 57 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 97–101; Whitelock, pp. 55–69 Jump up ^ Dr William Butts, quoted in Waller, p. 31 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 84–85 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 100 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 103–104; Whitelock, pp. 67–69, 72 Jump up ^ Letter from Emperor Charles V to Empress Isabella, quoted in Whitelock, p. 75 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 107; Whitelock, p. 76–77 Jump up ^ Whitelock, p. 91 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 121; Waller, p. 33; Whitelock, p. 81 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 119–123; Waller, pp. 34–36; Whitelock, pp. 83–89 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 119–123; Waller, pp. 34–36; Whitelock, pp. 90–91 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 105 Jump up ^ Madden, F. (ed.) (1831) The Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, quoted in Loades, p. 111 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 129–132; Whitelock, p. 28 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 124–125 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 108 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 114; Porter, pp. 126–127; Whitelock, pp. 95–96 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 127–129; Porter, pp. 135–136; Waller, p. 39; Whitelock, p. 101 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 126–127; Whitelock, p. 101 Jump up ^ Whitelock, pp. 103–104 Jump up ^ Whitelock, p. 105 Jump up ^ Whitelock, pp. 105–106 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 122; Porter, p. 137 Jump up ^ Contemporary Spanish and English reports, quoted in Whitelock, p. 108 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 143 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 37 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 143–144; Whitelock, p. 110 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 120; Waller, p. 39; Whitelock, p. 112 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 137–138; Whitelock, p. 130 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 143–147; Porter, pp. 160–162; Whitelock, pp. 133–134 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 154; Waller, p. 40 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 153–157; Porter, pp. 169–176; Waller, pp. 41–42; Whitelock, pp. 144–147 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 178; Whitelock, p. 149 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 179–182; Whitelock, pp. 148–160 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 187 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 188–189 Jump up ^ Waller, pp. 48–49; Whitelock, p. 165 Jump up ^ Waller, pp. 51–53; Whitelock, p. 165, 138 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 176; Porter, p. 195; Tittler, pp. 8, 81–82; Whitelock, p. 168 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 203; Waller, p. 52 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 176–181; Porter, pp. 213–214; Waller, p. 54; Whitelock, pp. 170–174 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 210; Weir, pp. 159–160 Jump up ^ Waller, pp. 57–59 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 59; Whitelock, p. 181 Jump up ^ Waller, pp. 59–60; Whitelock, pp. 185–186 Jump up ^ Whitelock, p. 182 Jump up ^ Whitelock, p. 183 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 257–261; Whitelock, pp. 195–197 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 199–201; Porter, pp. 265–267 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 310 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 279–284; Waller, p. 72; Whitelock, pp. 202–209 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 73 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 288–299; Whitelock, pp. 212–213 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 300; Waller, pp. 74–75; Whitelock, p. 216 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 311–313; Whitelock, pp. 217–225 Jump up ^ Waller, pp. 84–85; Whitelock, pp. 202, 227 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 269; Waller, p. 85 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 291–292; Waller, p. 85; Whitelock, pp. 226–227 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 308–309; Whitelock, p. 229 Jump up ^ Letter of 29 July 1554 in the Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, volume XIII, quoted in Porter, p. 320 and Whitelock, p. 244 ^ Jump up to: a b Porter, pp. 321, 324; Waller, p. 90; Whitelock, p. 238 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 224–225; Porter, pp. 318, 321; Waller, pp. 86–87; Whitelock, p. 237 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 319; Waller, pp. 87, 91 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 333; Waller, pp. 92–93 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 234–235 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 338; Waller, p. 95; Whitelock, p. 255 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 96 Jump up ^ "The queen's pregnancy turns out not to have been as certain as we thought": Letter of 25 April 1554, quoted in Porter, p. 337 and Whitelock, p. 257 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 95; Whitelock, p. 256 Jump up ^ Whitelock, pp. 257–259 Jump up ^ Whitelock, p. 258 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 97; Whitelock, p. 259 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 337–338; Waller, pp. 97–98 Jump up ^ PBS Video Jump up ^ Porter, p. 342 Jump up ^ Waller, pp. 98–99; Whitelock, p. 268 Jump up ^ Antoine de Noailles quoted in Whitelock, p. 269 Jump up ^ Whitelock, p. 284 Jump up ^ Tittler, pp. 23–24; Whitelock, p. 187 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 207–208; Waller, p. 65; Whitelock, p. 198 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 241; Whitelock, pp. 200–201 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 331 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 235–242 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 113 Jump up ^ Whitelock, p. 262 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 325; Porter, pp. 355–356; Waller, pp. 104–105 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 326; Waller, pp. 104–105; Whitelock, p. 274 Jump up ^ Duffy, p. 79; Waller, p. 104 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 358–359; Waller, p. 103; Whitelock, p. 266 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 102 Jump up ^ Waller, pp. 101, 103, 105; Whitelock, p. 266 Jump up ^ See for example, the Oxford Martyrs Jump up ^ Loades, p. 238; Waller, p. 94 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 357 Jump up ^ Although he was in deacon's orders and prominent in the church, Pole was not ordained until the day before his consecration as archbishop (Loades, p. 319). Jump up ^ Tittler, p. 66 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 381–387 Jump up ^ Whitelock, p. 288 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 389; Waller, p. 111; Whitelock, p. 289 Jump up ^ Whitelock, pp. 293–295 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 295–297; Porter, pp. 392–395; Whitelock, pp. 291–292 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 229, 375; Whitelock, p. 277 Jump up ^ Tittler, p. 48 Jump up ^ Tittler, p. 49 Jump up ^ Tittler, pp. 49–50 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 371 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 373 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 372 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 375; Tittler, p. 51 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 376 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 376; Tittler, p. 53 Jump up ^ Porter, p.398; Waller, pp. 106, 112; Whitelock, p. 299 Jump up ^ Whitelock, pp. 299–300 Jump up ^ Whitelock, p. 301 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 305; Whitelock, p. 300 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 108 Jump up ^ Letter from the King of Spain to the Princess of Portugal, 4 December 1558, in Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, volume XIII, quoted in Loades, p. 311; Waller, p. 109 and Whitelock, p. 303 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 410; Whitelock, p. 1 Jump up ^ Loades, p. 313; Whitelock, p. 305 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 116 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 340–341 Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 342–343; Waller, p. 116 Jump up ^ Porter, p. 400 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 115 Jump up ^ Porter, pp. 361–362, 418; Waller, pp. 113–115 Jump up ^ Weikel Jump up ^ Tittler, p. 80; Weikel Jump up ^ Loades, pp. 217, 323 Jump up ^ e.g. Waller, p. 106 Jump up ^ Waller, p. 60; Whitelock, p. 310 Jump up ^ Whitelock, p. 242 ^ Jump up to: a b c d Weir, p. 148 Jump up ^ Weir, p. 133 Jump up ^ Weir, p. 134 ^ Jump up to: a b Weir, p. 138 ^ Jump up to: a b c d Paget, p. 99 ^ Jump up to: a b c d Weir, pp. 99–101 References[edit] Duffy, Eamon (2009). Fires of Faith: Catholic England Under Mary Tudor. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-15216-7. Hoyle, R. W. (2001). The Pilgrimage of Grace and the Politics of the 1530s. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-925906-2. Loades, David M. (1989) Mary Tudor: A Life. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. ISBN 0-631-15453-1. Paget, Gerald (1977). The Lineage & Ancestry of HRH Prince Charles, Prince of Wales. Edinburgh & London: Charles Skilton. OCLC 79311835. Porter, Linda (2007) Mary Tudor: The First Queen. London: Little, Brown. ISBN 978-0-7499-0982-6. Tittler, Robert (1991). The Reign of Mary I. Second edition. London & New York: Longman. ISBN 0-582-06107-5. Waller, Maureen (2006). Sovereign Ladies: The Six Reigning Queens of England. New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-33801-5. Weikel, Ann (2004; online edition 2008). "Mary I (1516–1558)" in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (subscription or UK public library membership required). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/18245. Weir, Alison (1996). Britain's Royal Families: The Complete Genealogy. London: Pimlico. ISBN 0-7126-7448-9. Whitelock, Anna (2009). Mary Tudor: England's First Queen. London: Bloomsbury. ISBN 978-0-7475-9018-7. Further reading[edit] Erickson, Carolly (1978). Bloody Mary: The Life of Mary Tudor. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. ISBN 0-385-11663-2. Loades, David M. (1991). The Reign of Mary Tudor: Politics, Government and Religion in England, 1553–58. Second edition. London and New York: Longman. ISBN 0-582-05759-0. Prescott, H. F. M. (1952). Mary Tudor: The Spanish Tudor. Second edition. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode. Ridley, Jasper (2001). Bloody Mary's Martyrs: The Story of England's Terror. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 0-7867-0854-9. Waldman, Milton (1972). The Lady Mary: a biography of Mary Tudor, 1516–1558. London: Collins. ISBN 0-00-211486-0. External links[edit] Wikimedia Commons has media related to Mary I of England. "The Tudors: Mary I". The Royal Household. Eakins, Lara E. "Mary I Queen of England". Tudor History Web Ring. "Queen Mary I". Historic Royal Palaces. Mary I of England House of Tudor Born: 18 February 1516 Died: 17 November 1558 Regnal titles Preceded by Edward VI or Jane	Queen of England and Ireland 1553–1558 with Philip (1554–1558)	Succeeded by Elizabeth I Royal titles Vacant Title last held by Isabella of Portugal	Queen consort of Naples 1554–1558	Vacant Title next held by Elisabeth of France Queen consort of Spain and Sicily 1556–1558 [show] v t e English, Scottish and British monarchs [show] v t e Spanish royal consorts [show] v t e Princesses of Asturias [show] v t e Infantas of Spain by marriage [show] v t e Austrian archduchesses by marriage This is a good article. Click here for more information. 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Elizabeth I of England From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Page semi-protected "Elizabeth I", "Elizabeth of England", and "Elizabeth Tudor" redirect here. For other uses, see Elizabeth I (disambiguation), Elizabeth of England (disambiguation), and Elizabeth Tudor (disambiguation). Elizabeth I Darnley stage 3.jpg The "Darnley Portrait" of Elizabeth I (c. 1575) Queen of England and Ireland (more...) Reign	17 November 1558 – 24 March 1603 Coronation	15 January 1559 Predecessors	Mary I and Philip Successor	James I House	House of Tudor Father	Henry VIII Mother	Anne Boleyn Born	7 September 1533 Palace of Placentia, Greenwich, England Died	24 March 1603 (aged 69) Richmond Palace, Surrey, England Burial	Westminster Abbey Religion	Anglican Signature Elizabeth I (7 September 1533 – 24 March 1603) was Queen of England and Ireland from 17 November 1558 until her death. Sometimes called The Virgin Queen, Gloriana or Good Queen Bess, the childless Elizabeth was the fifth and last monarch of the Tudor dynasty. Elizabeth was the daughter of Henry VIII by second wife, Anne Boleyn, who was executed two and a half years after Elizabeth's birth. Anne's marriage to Henry VIII was annulled, and Elizabeth was declared illegitimate. Her half-brother, Edward VI, ruled until his death in 1553, bequeathing the crown to Lady Jane Grey and ignoring the claims of his two half-sisters, Elizabeth and the Roman Catholic Mary, in spite of statute law to the contrary. However, Edward's will was set aside and Mary became queen, deposing Lady Jane Grey. During Mary's reign, Elizabeth was imprisoned for nearly a year on suspicion of supporting Protestant rebels.

In 1558, Elizabeth succeeded her half-sister to the throne, and she set out to rule by good counsel.[1] She depended heavily on a group of trusted advisers, led by William Cecil, Baron Burghley. One of her first actions as queen was the establishment of an English Protestant church, of which she became the Supreme Governor. This Elizabethan Religious Settlement later evolved into today's Church of England. It was expected that Elizabeth would marry and produce an heir to continue the Tudor line. She never did, despite numerous courtships. As she grew older, Elizabeth became famous for her virginity. A cult grew up around her which was celebrated in the portraits, pageants, and literature of the day.

In government, Elizabeth was more moderate than her father and half-siblings had been.[2] One of her mottoes was "video et taceo" ("I see, and say nothing").[3] In religion she was relatively tolerant, avoiding systematic persecution. After 1570, when the pope declared her illegitimate and released her subjects from obedience to her, several conspiracies threatened her life. All plots were defeated, however, with the help of her ministers' secret service. Elizabeth was cautious in foreign affairs, manoeuvring between the major powers of France and Spain. She only half-heartedly supported a number of ineffective, poorly-resourced military campaigns in the Netherlands, France, and Ireland. However, by the mid-1580s, war with Spain could no longer be avoided. When Spain finally decided to attempt to conquer England in 1588, the failure of the Spanish Armada associated her with one of the greatest military victories in English history.

Elizabeth's reign is known as the Elizabethan era. The period is famous for the flourishing of English drama, led by playwrights such as William Shakespeare and Christopher Marlowe, and for the seafaring prowess of English adventurers such as Francis Drake. Some historians are more reserved in their assessment. They depict Elizabeth as a short-tempered, sometimes indecisive ruler,[4] who enjoyed more than her share of luck. Towards the end of her reign, a series of economic and military problems weakened her popularity. Elizabeth is acknowledged as a charismatic performer and a dogged survivor in an era when government was ramshackle and limited, and when monarchs in neighbouring countries faced internal problems that jeopardised their thrones. Such was the case with Elizabeth's rival, Mary, Queen of Scots, whom she imprisoned in 1568 and eventually had executed in 1587. After the short reigns of Elizabeth's half-siblings, her 44 years on the throne provided welcome stability for the kingdom and helped forge a sense of national identity.[2]

Contents [hide] 1 Early life 2 Thomas Seymour 3 Mary I's reign 4 Accession 5 Church settlement 6 Marriage question 6.1 Robert Dudley 6.2 Foreign candidates 7 Mary, Queen of Scots 7.1 Mary and the Catholic cause 8 Wars and overseas trade 8.1 Netherlands expedition 8.2 Spanish Armada 8.3 Supporting Henry IV of France 8.4 Ireland 8.5 Russia 8.6 Barbary states, Ottoman Empire 9 Later years 10 Death 11 Legacy and memory 12 Family tree 12.1 Ancestry 13 See also 14 Notes 15 References 16 Further reading 16.1 Primary sources and early histories 16.2 Historiography and memory 17 External links Early life

Elizabeth was the only child of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn, who did not bear a male heir and was executed less than three years after Elizabeth's birth. Elizabeth was born at Greenwich Palace and was named after both her grandmothers, Elizabeth of York and Elizabeth Howard.[5] She was the second child of Henry VIII of England born in wedlock to survive infancy. Her mother was Henry's second wife, Anne Boleyn. At birth, Elizabeth was the heiress presumptive to the throne of England. Her older half-sister, Mary, had lost her position as a legitimate heir when Henry annulled his marriage to Mary's mother, Catherine of Aragon, to marry Anne and sire a male heir to ensure the Tudor succession.[6][7] Elizabeth was baptised on 10 September; Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, the Marquess of Exeter, the Duchess of Norfolk and the Dowager Marchioness of Dorset stood as her godparents.

When Elizabeth was two years and eight months old, her mother was executed on 19 May 1536.[8] Elizabeth was declared illegitimate and deprived of her place in the royal succession.[9] Eleven days after Anne Boleyn's death, Henry married Jane Seymour, but she died shortly after the birth of their son, Prince Edward, in 1537. From his birth, Edward was undisputed heir apparent to the throne. Elizabeth was placed in his household and carried the chrisom, or baptismal cloth, at his christening.[10]

The Lady Elizabeth in about 1546, by an unknown artist Elizabeth's first governess or Lady Mistress, Margaret Bryan, wrote that she was "as toward a child and as gentle of conditions as ever I knew any in my life".[11] By the autumn of 1537, Elizabeth was in the care of Blanche Herbert, Lady Troy, who remained her Lady Mistress until her retirement in late 1545 or early 1546.[12] Catherine Champernowne, better known by her later, married name of Catherine "Kat" Ashley, was appointed as Elizabeth's governess in 1537, and she remained Elizabeth's friend until her death in 1565, when Blanche Parry succeeded her as Chief Gentlewoman of the Privy Chamber.[13] Champernowne taught Elizabeth four languages: French, Flemish, Italian and Spanish.[14] By the time William Grindal became her tutor in 1544, Elizabeth could write English, Latin, and Italian. Under Grindal, a talented and skilful tutor, she also progressed in French and Greek.[15] After Grindal died in 1548, Elizabeth received her education under Roger Ascham, a sympathetic teacher who believed that learning should be engaging.[16] By the time her formal education ended in 1550, she was one of the best educated women of her generation.[17] By the end of her life, Elizabeth was also reputed to speak Welsh, Cornish, Scottish[18] and Irish in addition to English. The Venetian ambassador stated in 1603 that she "possessed [these] languages so thoroughly that each appeared to be her native tongue".[19] Historian Mark Stoyle suggests that she was probably taught Cornish by William Killigrew, Groom of the Privy Chamber and later Chamberlain of the Exchequer.[20]

Thomas Seymour

The Miroir or Glasse of the Synneful Soul, a translation from the French, by Elizabeth, presented to Catherine Parr in 1544. The embroidered binding with the monogram KP for "Katherine Parr" is believed to have been worked by Elizabeth.[21] Henry VIII died in 1547; Elizabeth's half-brother, Edward VI, became king at age nine. Catherine Parr, Henry's widow, soon married Thomas Seymour of Sudeley, Edward VI's uncle and the brother of the Lord Protector, Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset. The couple took Elizabeth into their household at Chelsea. There Elizabeth experienced an emotional crisis that some historians believe affected her for the rest of her life.[22] Seymour, approaching age 40 but having charm and "a powerful sex appeal",[22] engaged in romps and horseplay with the 14-year-old Elizabeth. These included entering her bedroom in his nightgown, tickling her and slapping her on the buttocks. Parr, rather than confront her husband over his inappropriate activities, joined in. Twice she accompanied him in tickling Elizabeth, and once held her while he cut her black gown "into a thousand pieces."[23] However, after Parr discovered the pair in an embrace, she ended this state of affairs.[24] In May 1548, Elizabeth was sent away.

However, Thomas Seymour continued scheming to control the royal family and tried to have himself appointed the governor of the King's person.[25][26] When Parr died after childbirth on 5 September 1548, he renewed his attentions towards Elizabeth, intent on marrying her.[27] The details of his former behaviour towards Elizabeth emerged,[28] and for his brother and the council, this was the last straw.[29] In January 1549, Seymour was arrested on suspicion of plotting to marry Elizabeth and overthrow his brother. Elizabeth, living at Hatfield House, would admit nothing. Her stubbornness exasperated her interrogator, Sir Robert Tyrwhitt, who reported, "I do see it in her face that she is guilty".[29] Seymour was beheaded on 20 March 1549.

Mary I's reign

Mary I, by Anthonis Mor, 1554 Edward VI died on 6 July 1553, aged 15. His will swept aside the Succession to the Crown Act 1543, excluded both Mary and Elizabeth from the succession, and instead declared as his heir Lady Jane Grey, granddaughter of Henry VIII's sister Mary, Duchess of Suffolk. Lady Jane was proclaimed queen by the Privy Council, but her support quickly crumbled, and she was deposed after nine days. On 3 August 1553, Mary rode triumphantly into London, with Elizabeth at her side.[30]

The show of solidarity between the sisters did not last long. Mary, a devout Catholic, was determined to crush the Protestant faith in which Elizabeth had been educated, and she ordered that everyone attend Catholic Mass; Elizabeth had to outwardly conform. Mary's initial popularity ebbed away in 1554 when she announced plans to marry Prince Philip of Spain, the son of Emperor Charles V and an active Catholic.[31] Discontent spread rapidly through the country, and many looked to Elizabeth as a focus for their opposition to Mary's religious policies.

In January and February 1554, Wyatt's rebellion broke out; it was soon suppressed.[32] Elizabeth was brought to court, and interrogated regarding her role, and on 18 March, she was imprisoned in the Tower of London. Elizabeth fervently protested her innocence.[33] Though it is unlikely that she had plotted with the rebels, some of them were known to have approached her. Mary's closest confidant, Charles V's ambassador Simon Renard, argued that her throne would never be safe while Elizabeth lived; and the Chancellor, Stephen Gardiner, worked to have Elizabeth put on trial.[34] Elizabeth's supporters in the government, including Lord Paget, convinced Mary to spare her sister in the absence of hard evidence against her. Instead, on 22 May, Elizabeth was moved from the Tower to Woodstock, where she was to spend almost a year under house arrest in the charge of Sir Henry Bedingfield. Crowds cheered her all along the way.[35][36]

The remaining wing of the Old Palace, Hatfield House. It was here that Elizabeth was told of her sister's death in November 1558. On 17 April 1555, Elizabeth was recalled to court to attend the final stages of Mary's apparent pregnancy. If Mary and her child died, Elizabeth would become queen. If, on the other hand, Mary gave birth to a healthy child, Elizabeth's chances of becoming queen would recede sharply. When it became clear that Mary was not pregnant, no one believed any longer that she could have a child.[37] Elizabeth's succession seemed assured.[38]

King Philip, who ascended the Spanish throne in 1556, acknowledged the new political reality and cultivated his sister-in-law. She was a better ally than the chief alternative, Mary, Queen of Scots, who had grown up in France and was betrothed to the Dauphin of France.[39] When his wife fell ill in 1558, King Philip sent the Count of Feria to consult with Elizabeth.[40] This interview was conducted at Hatfield House, where she had returned to live in October 1555. By October 1558, Elizabeth was already making plans for her government. On 6 November, Mary recognised Elizabeth as her heir.[41] On 17 November 1558, Mary died and Elizabeth succeeded to the throne.

Accession Elizabeth became queen at the age of 25, and declared her intentions to her Council and other peers who had come to Hatfield to swear allegiance. The speech contains the first record of her adoption of the mediaeval political theology of the sovereign's "two bodies": the body natural and the body politic:[42]

Elizabeth I in her coronation robes, patterned with Tudor roses and trimmed with ermine. My lords, the law of nature moves me to sorrow for my sister; the burden that is fallen upon me makes me amazed, and yet, considering I am God's creature, ordained to obey His appointment, I will thereto yield, desiring from the bottom of my heart that I may have assistance of His grace to be the minister of His heavenly will in this office now committed to me. And as I am but one body naturally considered, though by His permission a body politic to govern, so shall I desire you all ... to be assistant to me, that I with my ruling and you with your service may make a good account to Almighty God and leave some comfort to our posterity on earth. I mean to direct all my actions by good advice and counsel.[43]

As her triumphal progress wound through the city on the eve of the coronation ceremony, she was welcomed wholeheartedly by the citizens and greeted by orations and pageants, most with a strong Protestant flavour. Elizabeth's open and gracious responses endeared her to the spectators, who were "wonderfully ravished".[44] The following day, 15 January 1559, Elizabeth was crowned and anointed by Owen Oglethorpe, the Catholic bishop of Carlisle, in Westminster Abbey. She was then presented for the people's acceptance, amidst a deafening noise of organs, fifes, trumpets, drums, and bells.[45]

Church settlement Main article: Elizabethan Religious Settlement Elizabeth's personal religious convictions have been much debated by scholars. She was a Protestant, but kept Catholic symbols (such as the crucifix), and downplayed the role of sermons in defiance of a key Protestant belief.[46]

In terms of public policy she favoured pragmatism in dealing with religious matters. The question of her legitimacy was a key concern: although she was technically illegitimate under both Protestant and Catholic law, her retroactively declared illegitimacy under the English church was not a serious bar compared to having never been legitimate as the Catholics claimed she was. For this reason alone, it was never in serious doubt that Elizabeth would embrace Protestantism.

Elizabeth and her advisers perceived the threat of a Catholic crusade against heretical England. Elizabeth therefore sought a Protestant solution that would not offend Catholics too greatly while addressing the desires of English Protestants; she would not tolerate the more radical Puritans though, who were pushing for far-reaching reforms.[47] As a result, the parliament of 1559 started to legislate for a church based on the Protestant settlement of Edward VI, with the monarch as its head, but with many Catholic elements, such as priestly vestments.[48]

The House of Commons backed the proposals strongly, but the bill of supremacy met opposition in the House of Lords, particularly from the bishops. Elizabeth was fortunate that many bishoprics were vacant at the time, including the Archbishopric of Canterbury.[49][50] This enabled supporters amongst peers to outvote the bishops and conservative peers. Nevertheless, Elizabeth was forced to accept the title of Supreme Governor of the Church of England rather than the more contentious title of Supreme Head, which many thought unacceptable for a woman to bear. The new Act of Supremacy became law on 8 May 1559. All public officials were to swear an oath of loyalty to the monarch as the supreme governor or risk disqualification from office; the heresy laws were repealed, to avoid a repeat of the persecution of dissenters practised by Mary. At the same time, a new Act of Uniformity was passed, which made attendance at church and the use of an adapted version of the 1552 Book of Common Prayer compulsory, though the penalties for recusancy, or failure to attend and conform, were not extreme.[51]

Marriage question

Elizabeth and her favourite, Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, c. 1575. Pair of stamp-sized miniatures by Nicholas Hilliard.[52] The Queen's friendship with Dudley lasted for over thirty years, until his death. From the start of Elizabeth's reign, it was expected that she would marry and the question arose to whom. She never did, although she received many offers for her hand; the reasons for this are not clear. Historians have speculated that Thomas Seymour had put her off sexual relationships, or that she knew herself to be infertile.[53][54] She considered several suitors until she was about fifty. Her last courtship was with Francis, Duke of Anjou, 22 years her junior. While risking possible loss of power like her sister, who played into the hands of King Philip II of Spain, marriage offered the chance of an heir.[55] However, the choice of a husband might also provoke political instability or even insurrection.[56]

Robert Dudley In the spring of 1559, it became evident that Elizabeth was in love with her childhood friend Robert Dudley.[57] It was said that Amy Robsart, his wife, was suffering from a "malady in one of her breasts", and that the Queen would like to marry Dudley if his wife should die.[58] By the autumn of 1559 several foreign suitors were vying for Elizabeth's hand; their impatient envoys engaged in ever more scandalous talk and reported that a marriage with her favourite was not welcome in England:[59] "There is not a man who does not cry out on him and her with indignation ... she will marry none but the favoured Robert".[60] Amy Dudley died in September 1560 from a fall from a flight of stairs and, despite the coroner's inquest finding of accident, many people suspected Dudley to have arranged her death so that he could marry the queen.[61] Elizabeth seriously considered marrying Dudley for some time. However, William Cecil, Nicholas Throckmorton, and some conservative peers made their disapproval unmistakably clear.[62] There were even rumours that the nobility would rise if the marriage took place.[63]

Among other marriages being considered for the queen, Robert Dudley was regarded as a possible candidate for nearly another decade.[64] Elizabeth was extremely jealous of his affections, even when she no longer meant to marry him herself.[65] In 1564 Elizabeth raised Dudley to the peerage as Earl of Leicester. He finally remarried in 1578, to which the queen reacted with repeated scenes of displeasure and lifelong hatred towards his wife, Lettice Knollys.[66] Still, Dudley always "remained at the centre of [Elizabeth's] emotional life", as historian Susan Doran has described the situation.[67] He died shortly after the defeat of the Armada. After Elizabeth's own death, a note from him was found among her most personal belongings, marked "his last letter" in her handwriting.[68]

Foreign candidates

Francis, Duke of Anjou, by Nicholas Hilliard. Elizabeth called the duke her "frog", finding him "not so deformed" as she had been led to expect.[69] Marriage negotiations constituted a key element in Elizabeth's foreign policy.[70] She turned down Philip II's own hand early in 1559 but for several years entertained the proposal of King Eric XIV of Sweden.[71] For several years she also seriously negotiated to marry Philip II's cousin Archduke Charles of Austria. By 1569, relations with the Habsburgs had deteriorated, and Elizabeth considered marriage to two French Valois princes in turn, first Henry, Duke of Anjou, and later, from 1572 to 1581, his brother Francis, Duke of Anjou, formerly Duke of Alençon.[72] This last proposal was tied to a planned alliance against Spanish control of the Southern Netherlands.[73] Elizabeth seems to have taken the courtship seriously for a time, and wore a frog-shaped earring that Anjou had sent her.[74]

In 1563, Elizabeth told an imperial envoy: "If I follow the inclination of my nature, it is this: beggar-woman and single, far rather than queen and married".[70] Later in the year, following Elizabeth's illness with smallpox, the succession question became a heated issue in Parliament. They urged the queen to marry or nominate an heir, to prevent a civil war upon her death. She refused to do either. In April she prorogued the Parliament, which did not reconvene until she needed its support to raise taxes in 1566. Having promised to marry previously, she told an unruly House:

I will never break the word of a prince spoken in public place, for my honour's sake. And therefore I say again, I will marry as soon as I can conveniently, if God take not him away with whom I mind to marry, or myself, or else some other great let happen.[75]

By 1570, senior figures in the government privately accepted that Elizabeth would never marry or name a successor. William Cecil was already seeking solutions to the succession problem.[70] For her failure to marry, Elizabeth was often accused of irresponsibility.[76] Her silence, however, strengthened her own political security: she knew that if she named an heir, her throne would be vulnerable to a coup; she remembered that the way "a second person, as I have been" had been used as the focus of plots against her predecessor.[77]

The "Hampden" portrait, by Steven van der Meulen, ca. 1563. This is the earliest full-length portrait of the queen, made before the emergence of symbolic portraits representing the iconography of the "Virgin Queen".[78] Elizabeth's unmarried status inspired a cult of virginity. In poetry and portraiture, she was depicted as a virgin or a goddess or both, not as a normal woman.[79] At first, only Elizabeth made a virtue of her virginity: in 1559, she told the Commons, "And, in the end, this shall be for me sufficient, that a marble stone shall declare that a queen, having reigned such a time, lived and died a virgin".[80] Later on, poets and writers took up the theme and turned it into an iconography that exalted Elizabeth. Public tributes to the Virgin by 1578 acted as a coded assertion of opposition to the queen's marriage negotiations with the Duke of Alençon.[81]

Putting a positive spin on her marital status, Elizabeth insisted she was married to her kingdom and subjects, under divine protection. In 1599, she spoke of "all my husbands, my good people".[82]

Mary, Queen of Scots Elizabeth's first policy toward Scotland was to oppose the French presence there.[83] She feared that the French planned to invade England and put Mary, Queen of Scots, who was considered by many to be the heir to the English crown,[84] on the throne.[85] Elizabeth was persuaded to send a force into Scotland to aid the Protestant rebels, and though the campaign was inept, the resulting Treaty of Edinburgh of July 1560 removed the French threat in the north.[86] When Mary returned to Scotland in 1561 to take up the reins of power, the country had an established Protestant church and was run by a council of Protestant nobles supported by Elizabeth.[87] Mary refused to ratify the treaty.[88]

In 1563 Elizabeth proposed her own suitor, Robert Dudley, as a husband for Mary, without asking either of the two people concerned. Both proved unenthusiastic,[89] and in 1565 Mary married Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley, who carried his own claim to the English throne. The marriage was the first of a series of errors of judgement by Mary that handed the victory to the Scottish Protestants and to Elizabeth. Darnley quickly became unpopular in Scotland and then infamous for presiding over the murder of Mary's Italian secretary David Rizzio. In February 1567, Darnley was murdered by conspirators almost certainly led by James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. Shortly afterwards, on 15 May 1567, Mary married Bothwell, arousing suspicions that she had been party to the murder of her husband. Elizabeth wrote to her:

How could a worse choice be made for your honour than in such haste to marry such a subject, who besides other and notorious lacks, public fame has charged with the murder of your late husband, besides the touching of yourself also in some part, though we trust in that behalf falsely.[90]

These events led rapidly to Mary's defeat and imprisonment in Loch Leven Castle. The Scottish lords forced her to abdicate in favour of her son James, who had been born in June 1566. James was taken to Stirling Castle to be raised as a Protestant. Mary escaped from Loch Leven in 1568 but after another defeat fled across the border into England, where she had once been assured of support from Elizabeth. Elizabeth's first instinct was to restore her fellow monarch; but she and her council instead chose to play safe. Rather than risk returning Mary to Scotland with an English army or sending her to France and the Catholic enemies of England, they detained her in England, where she was imprisoned for the next nineteen years.[91]

Mary and the Catholic cause

Sir Francis Walsingham, Principal Secretary 1573–1590. Being Elizabeth's spymaster, he uncovered several plots against her life. Mary was soon the focus for rebellion. In 1569 there was a major Catholic rising in the North; the goal was to free Mary, marry her to Thomas Howard, 4th Duke of Norfolk, and put her on the English throne.[92] After the rebels' defeat, over 750 of them were executed on Elizabeth's orders.[93] In the belief that the revolt had been successful, Pope Pius V issued a bull in 1570, titled Regnans in Excelsis, which declared "Elizabeth, the pretended Queen of England and the servant of crime" to be excommunicate and a heretic, releasing all her subjects from any allegiance to her.[94][95] Catholics who obeyed her orders were threatened with excommunication.[94] The papal bull provoked legislative initiatives against Catholics by Parliament, which were however mitigated by Elizabeth's intervention.[96] In 1581, to convert English subjects to Catholicism with "the intent" to withdraw them from their allegiance to Elizabeth was made a treasonable offence, carrying the death penalty.[97] From the 1570s missionary priests from continental seminaries came to England secretly in the cause of the "reconversion of England".[95] Many suffered execution, engendering a cult of martyrdom.[95]

Regnans in Excelsis gave English Catholics a strong incentive to look to Mary Stuart as the true sovereign of England. Mary may not have been told of every Catholic plot to put her on the English throne, but from the Ridolfi Plot of 1571 (which caused Mary's suitor, the Duke of Norfolk, to lose his head) to the Babington Plot of 1586, Elizabeth's spymaster Sir Francis Walsingham and the royal council keenly assembled a case against her.[98] At first, Elizabeth resisted calls for Mary's death. By late 1586 she had been persuaded to sanction her trial and execution on the evidence of letters written during the Babington Plot.[99] Elizabeth's proclamation of the sentence announced that "the said Mary, pretending title to the same Crown, had compassed and imagined within the same realm divers things tending to the hurt, death and destruction of our royal person."[100] On 8 February 1587, Mary was beheaded at Fotheringhay Castle, Northamptonshire.[101] After Mary's execution, Elizabeth claimed not to have ordered it and indeed most accounts have her telling Secretary Davidson, who brought her the warrant to sign, not to dispatch the warrant even though she had signed it. The sincerity of Elizabeth's remorse and her motives for telling Davidson not to execute the warrant have been called into question both by her contemporaries and later historians.

Wars and overseas trade

Silver sixpence, struck 1593, Royal Mint, (Tower of London) Elizabeth's foreign policy was largely defensive. The exception was the English occupation of Le Havre from October 1562 to June 1563, which ended in failure when Elizabeth's Huguenot allies joined with the Catholics to retake the port. Elizabeth's intention had been to exchange Le Havre for Calais, lost to France in January 1558.[102] Only through the activities of her fleets did Elizabeth pursue an aggressive policy. This paid off in the war against Spain, 80% of which was fought at sea.[103] She knighted Francis Drake after his circumnavigation of the globe from 1577 to 1580, and he won fame for his raids on Spanish ports and fleets. An element of piracy and self-enrichment drove Elizabethan seafarers, over which the queen had little control.[104][105]

Netherlands expedition

Portrait of Elizabeth from Emanuel van Meteren: Historien der Nederlanden After the occupation and loss of Le Havre in 1562–1563, Elizabeth avoided military expeditions on the continent until 1585, when she sent an English army to aid the Protestant Dutch rebels against Philip II.[106] This followed the deaths in 1584 of the allies William the Silent, Prince of Orange, and Francis, Duke of Anjou, and the surrender of a series of Dutch towns to Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma, Philip's governor of the Spanish Netherlands. In December 1584, an alliance between Philip II and the French Catholic League at Joinville undermined the ability of Anjou's brother, Henry III of France, to counter Spanish domination of the Netherlands. It also extended Spanish influence along the channel coast of France, where the Catholic League was strong, and exposed England to invasion.[106] The siege of Antwerp in the summer of 1585 by the Duke of Parma necessitated some reaction on the part of the English and the Dutch. The outcome was the Treaty of Nonsuch of August 1585, in which Elizabeth promised military support to the Dutch.[107] The treaty marked the beginning of the Anglo-Spanish War, which lasted until the Treaty of London in 1604.

The expedition was led by her former suitor, Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester. Elizabeth from the start did not really back this course of action. Her strategy, to support the Dutch on the surface with an English army, while beginning secret peace talks with Spain within days of Leicester's arrival in Holland,[108] had necessarily to be at odds with Leicester's, who wanted and was expected by the Dutch to fight an active campaign. Elizabeth on the other hand, wanted him "to avoid at all costs any decisive action with the enemy".[109] He enraged Elizabeth by accepting the post of Governor-General from the Dutch States General. Elizabeth saw this as a Dutch ploy to force her to accept sovereignty over the Netherlands,[110] which so far she had always declined. She wrote to Leicester:

We could never have imagined (had we not seen it fall out in experience) that a man raised up by ourself and extraordinarily favoured by us, above any other subject of this land, would have in so contemptible a sort broken our commandment in a cause that so greatly touches us in honour ... And therefore our express pleasure and commandment is that, all delays and excuses laid apart, you do presently upon the duty of your allegiance obey and fulfill whatsoever the bearer hereof shall direct you to do in our name. Whereof fail you not, as you will answer the contrary at your utmost peril.[111]

Elizabeth's "commandment" was that her emissary read out her letters of disapproval publicly before the Dutch Council of State, Leicester having to stand nearby.[112] This public humiliation of her "Lieutenant-General" combined with her continued talks for a separate peace with Spain,[113] irreversibly undermined his standing among the Dutch. The military campaign was severely hampered by Elizabeth's repeated refusals to send promised funds for her starving soldiers. Her unwillingness to commit herself to the cause, Leicester's own shortcomings as a political and military leader and the faction-ridden and chaotic situation of Dutch politics were reasons for the campaign's failure.[114] Leicester finally resigned his command in December 1587.

Spanish Armada Meanwhile, Sir Francis Drake had undertaken a major voyage against Spanish ports and ships to the Caribbean in 1585 and 1586, and in 1587 had made a successful raid on Cadiz, destroying the Spanish fleet of war ships intended for the Enterprise of England:[115] Philip II had decided to take the war to England.[116]

Portrait of Elizabeth to commemorate the defeat of the Spanish Armada (1588), depicted in the background. Elizabeth's hand rests on the globe, symbolising her international power. On 12 July 1588, the Spanish Armada, a great fleet of ships, set sail for the channel, planning to ferry a Spanish invasion force under the Duke of Parma to the coast of southeast England from the Netherlands. A combination of miscalculation,[117] misfortune, and an attack of English fire ships on 29 July off Gravelines which dispersed the Spanish ships to the northeast defeated the Armada.[118] The Armada straggled home to Spain in shattered remnants, after disastrous losses on the coast of Ireland (after some ships had tried to struggle back to Spain via the North Sea, and then back south past the west coast of Ireland).[119] Unaware of the Armada's fate, English militias mustered to defend the country under the Earl of Leicester's command. He invited Elizabeth to inspect her troops at Tilbury in Essex on 8 August. Wearing a silver breastplate over a white velvet dress, she addressed them in one of her most famous speeches:

My loving people, we have been persuaded by some that are careful of our safety, to take heed how we commit ourself to armed multitudes for fear of treachery; but I assure you, I do not desire to live to distrust my faithful and loving people ... I know I have the body but of a weak and feeble woman, but I have the heart and stomach of a king, and of a King of England too, and think foul scorn that Parma or Spain, or any Prince of Europe should dare to invade the borders of my realm.[120]

When no invasion came, the nation rejoiced. Elizabeth's procession to a thanksgiving service at St Paul's Cathedral rivalled that of her coronation as a spectacle.[119] The defeat of the armada was a potent propaganda victory, both for Elizabeth and for Protestant England. The English took their delivery as a symbol of God's favour and of the nation's inviolability under a virgin queen.[103] However, the victory was not a turning point in the war, which continued and often favoured Spain.[121] The Spanish still controlled the Netherlands, and the threat of invasion remained.[116] Sir Walter Raleigh claimed after her death that Elizabeth's caution had impeded the war against Spain:

If the late queen would have believed her men of war as she did her scribes, we had in her time beaten that great empire in pieces and made their kings of figs and oranges as in old times. But her Majesty did all by halves, and by petty invasions taught the Spaniard how to defend himself, and to see his own weakness.[122]

Though some historians have criticised Elizabeth on similar grounds,[123] Raleigh's verdict has more often been judged unfair. Elizabeth had good reason not to place too much trust in her commanders, who once in action tended, as she put it herself, "to be transported with an haviour of vainglory".[124]

Supporting Henry IV of France

Coat of arms of Queen Elizabeth I, with her personal motto: "Semper eadem" or "always the same" When the Protestant Henry IV inherited the French throne in 1589, Elizabeth sent him military support. It was her first venture into France since the retreat from Le Havre in 1563. Henry's succession was strongly contested by the Catholic League and by Philip II, and Elizabeth feared a Spanish takeover of the channel ports. The subsequent English campaigns in France, however, were disorganised and ineffective.[125] Lord Willoughby, largely ignoring Elizabeth's orders, roamed northern France to little effect, with an army of 4,000 men. He withdrew in disarray in December 1589, having lost half his troops. In 1591, the campaign of John Norreys, who led 3,000 men to Brittany, was even more of a disaster. As for all such expeditions, Elizabeth was unwilling to invest in the supplies and reinforcements requested by the commanders. Norreys left for London to plead in person for more support. In his absence, a Catholic League army almost destroyed the remains of his army at Craon, north-west France, in May 1591. In July, Elizabeth sent out another force under Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, to help Henry IV in besieging Rouen. The result was just as dismal. Essex accomplished nothing and returned home in January 1592. Henry abandoned the siege in April.[126] As usual, Elizabeth lacked control over her commanders once they were abroad. "Where he is, or what he doth, or what he is to do," she wrote of Essex, "we are ignorant".[127]

Ireland Main article: Tudor conquest of Ireland Although Ireland was one of her two kingdoms, Elizabeth faced a hostile, and in places virtually autonomous,[128] Irish population that adhered to Catholicism and was willing to defy her authority and plot with her enemies. Her policy there was to grant land to her courtiers and prevent the rebels from giving Spain a base from which to attack England.[129] In the course of a series of uprisings, Crown forces pursued scorched-earth tactics, burning the land and slaughtering man, woman and child. During a revolt in Munster led by Gerald FitzGerald, Earl of Desmond, in 1582, an estimated 30,000 Irish people starved to death. The poet and colonist Edmund Spenser wrote that the victims "were brought to such wretchedness as that any stony heart would have rued the same".[130] Elizabeth advised her commanders that the Irish, "that rude and barbarous nation", be well treated; but she showed no remorse when force and bloodshed were deemed necessary.[131]

Between 1594 and 1603, Elizabeth faced her most severe test in Ireland during the Nine Years' War, a revolt that took place at the height of hostilities with Spain, who backed the rebel leader, Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone.[132] In spring 1599, Elizabeth sent Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex, to put the revolt down. To her frustration,[133] he made little progress and returned to England in defiance of her orders. He was replaced by Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, who took three years to defeat the rebels. O'Neill finally surrendered in 1603, a few days after Elizabeth's death.[134] Soon afterwards, a peace treaty was signed between England and Spain.

Russia

Ivan the Terrible shows his treasures to Jerome Horsey, Elizabeth's ambassador. Painting by Alexander Litovchenko, 1875 Elizabeth continued to maintain the diplomatic relations with the Tsardom of Russia originally established by her deceased brother. She often wrote to its then ruler, Tsar Ivan IV ("Ivan the Terrible"), on amicable terms, though the Tsar was often annoyed by her focus on commerce rather than on the possibility of a military alliance. The Tsar even proposed to her once, and during his later reign, asked for a guarantee to be granted asylum in England should his rule be jeopardised. Upon Ivan's death, he was succeeded by his simple-minded son Feodor. Unlike his father, Feodor had no enthusiasm in maintaining exclusive trading rights with England. Feodor declared his kingdom open to all foreigners, and dismissed the English ambassador Sir Jerome Bowes, whose pomposity had been tolerated by the new Tsar's late father. Elizabeth sent a new ambassador, Dr. Giles Fletcher, to demand from the regent Boris Godunov that he convince the Tsar to reconsider. The negotiations failed, due to Fletcher addressing Feodor with two of his titles omitted. Elizabeth continued to appeal to Feodor in half appealing, half reproachful letters. She proposed an alliance, something which she had refused to do when offered one by Feodor's father, but was turned down.[135]

Barbary states, Ottoman Empire

Abd el-Ouahed ben Messaoud, Moorish ambassador of the Barbary States to the Court of Queen Elizabeth I in 1600.[136] Trade and diplomatic relations developed between England and the Barbary states during the rule of Elizabeth.[137][138] England established a trading relationship with Morocco in opposition to Spain, selling armour, ammunition, timber, and metal in exchange for Moroccan sugar, in spite of a Papal ban.[139] In 1600, Abd el-Ouahed ben Messaoud, the principal secretary to the Moroccan ruler Mulai Ahmad al-Mansur, visited England as an ambassador to the court of Queen Elizabeth I,[137][140] to negotiate an Anglo-Moroccan alliance against Spain.[136][137] Elizabeth "agreed to sell munitions supplies to Morocco, and she and Mulai Ahmad al-Mansur talked on and off about mounting a joint operation against the Spanish".[141] Discussions however remained inconclusive, and both rulers died within two years of the embassy.[142]

Diplomatic relations were also established with the Ottoman Empire with the chartering of the Levant Company and the dispatch of the first English ambassador to the Porte, William Harborne, in 1578.[141] For the first time, a Treaty of Commerce was signed in 1580.[143] Numerous envoys were dispatched in both directions and epistolar exchanges occurred between Elizabeth and Sultan Murad III.[141] In one correspondence, Murad entertained the notion that Islam and Protestantism had "much more in common than either did with Roman Catholicism, as both rejected the worship of idols", and argued for an alliance between England and the Ottoman Empire.[144] To the dismay of Catholic Europe, England exported tin and lead (for cannon-casting) and ammunitions to the Ottoman Empire, and Elizabeth seriously discussed joint military operations with Murad III during the outbreak of war with Spain in 1585, as Francis Walsingham was lobbying for a direct Ottoman military involvement against the common Spanish enemy.[145]

Later years Elizabeth I in later years Portrait of Elizabeth I attributed to Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger or his studio, ca. 1595. The period after the defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1588 brought new difficulties for Elizabeth that lasted the fifteen years until the end of her reign.[121] The conflicts with Spain and in Ireland dragged on, the tax burden grew heavier, and the economy was hit by poor harvests and the cost of war. Prices rose and the standard of living fell.[146][147] During this time, repression of Catholics intensified, and Elizabeth authorised commissions in 1591 to interrogate and monitor Catholic householders.[148] To maintain the illusion of peace and prosperity, she increasingly relied on internal spies and propaganda.[146] In her last years, mounting criticism reflected a decline in the public's affection for her.[149]

One of the causes for this "second reign" of Elizabeth, as it is sometimes called,[150] was the changed character of Elizabeth's governing body, the privy council in the 1590s. A new generation was in power. With the exception of Lord Burghley, the most important politicians had died around 1590: the Earl of Leicester in 1588; Sir Francis Walsingham in 1590; and Sir Christopher Hatton in 1591.[151] Factional strife in the government, which had not existed in a noteworthy form before the 1590s,[152] now became its hallmark.[153] A bitter rivalry arose between the Earl of Essex and Robert Cecil, son of Lord Burghley and their respective adherents, and the struggle for the most powerful positions in the state marred politics.[154] The queen's personal authority was lessening,[155] as is shown in the 1594 affair of Dr. Lopez, her trusted physician. When he was wrongly accused by the Earl of Essex of treason out of personal pique, she could not prevent his execution, although she had been angry about his arrest and seems not to have believed in his guilt.[156]

During the last years of her reign, Elizabeth came to rely on the granting of monopolies as a cost-free system of patronage, rather than asking Parliament for more subsidies in a time of war.[157] The practice soon led to price-fixing, the enrichment of courtiers at the public's expense, and widespread resentment.[158] This culminated in agitation in the House of Commons during the parliament of 1601.[159] In her famous "Golden Speech" of 30 November 1601 at Whitehall Palace to a deputation of 140 members, Elizabeth professed ignorance of the abuses, and won the members over with promises and her usual appeal to the emotions:[160]

Who keeps their sovereign from the lapse of error, in which, by ignorance and not by intent they might have fallen, what thank they deserve, we know, though you may guess. And as nothing is more dear to us than the loving conservation of our subjects' hearts, what an undeserved doubt might we have incurred if the abusers of our liberality, the thrallers of our people, the wringers of the poor, had not been told us![161]

Robert Devereaux, 2nd Earl of Essex Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex, by William Segar, 1588 This same period of economic and political uncertainty, however, produced an unsurpassed literary flowering in England.[162] The first signs of a new literary movement had appeared at the end of the second decade of Elizabeth's reign, with John Lyly's Euphues and Edmund Spenser's The Shepheardes Calender in 1578. During the 1590s, some of the great names of English literature entered their maturity, including William Shakespeare and Christopher Marlowe. During this period and into the Jacobean era that followed, the English theatre reached its highest peaks.[163] The notion of a great Elizabethan age depends largely on the builders, dramatists, poets, and musicians who were active during Elizabeth's reign. They owed little directly to the queen, who was never a major patron of the arts.[164]

As Elizabeth aged her image gradually changed. She was portrayed as Belphoebe or Astraea, and after the Armada, as Gloriana, the eternally youthful Faerie Queene of Edmund Spenser's poem. Her painted portraits became less realistic and more a set of enigmatic icons that made her look much younger than she was. In fact, her skin had been scarred by smallpox in 1562, leaving her half bald and dependent on wigs and cosmetics.[165] Sir Walter Raleigh called her "a lady whom time had surprised".[166] However, the more Elizabeth's beauty faded, the more her courtiers praised it.[165]

Elizabeth was happy to play the part,[167] but it is possible that in the last decade of her life she began to believe her own performance. She became fond and indulgent of the charming but petulant young Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, who was Leicester's stepson and took liberties with her for which she forgave him.[168] She repeatedly appointed him to military posts despite his growing record of irresponsibility. After Essex's desertion of his command in Ireland in 1599, Elizabeth had him placed under house arrest and the following year deprived him of his monopolies.[169] In February 1601, the earl tried to raise a rebellion in London. He intended to seize the queen but few rallied to his support, and he was beheaded on 25 February. Elizabeth knew that her own misjudgements were partly to blame for this turn of events. An observer reported in 1602 that "Her delight is to sit in the dark, and sometimes with shedding tears to bewail Essex".[170]

Death

Elizabeth's funeral cortège, 1603, with banners of her royal ancestors

Elizabeth as shown on her grave at Westminster Abbey. Elizabeth's senior adviser, Burghley, died on 4 August 1598. His political mantle passed to his son, Robert Cecil, who soon became the leader of the government.[171] One task he addressed was to prepare the way for a smooth succession. Since Elizabeth would never name her successor, Cecil was obliged to proceed in secret.[172] He therefore entered into a coded negotiation with James VI of Scotland, who had a strong but unrecognised claim.[173] Cecil coached the impatient James to humour Elizabeth and "secure the heart of the highest, to whose sex and quality nothing is so improper as either needless expostulations or over much curiosity in her own actions".[174] The advice worked. James's tone delighted Elizabeth, who responded: "So trust I that you will not doubt but that your last letters are so acceptably taken as my thanks cannot be lacking for the same, but yield them to you in grateful sort".[175] In historian J. E. Neale's view, Elizabeth may not have declared her wishes openly to James, but she made them known with "unmistakable if veiled phrases".[176]

The Queen's health remained fair until the autumn of 1602, when a series of deaths among her friends plunged her into a severe depression. In February 1603, the death of Catherine Howard, Countess of Nottingham, the niece of her cousin and close friend Catherine, Lady Knollys, came as a particular blow. In March, Elizabeth fell sick and remained in a "settled and unremovable melancholy".[177] She died on 24 March 1603 at Richmond Palace, between two and three in the morning. A few hours later, Cecil and the council set their plans in motion and proclaimed James VI of Scotland as James I of England.[178]

Elizabeth's coffin was carried downriver at night to Whitehall, on a barge lit with torches. At her funeral on 28 April, the coffin was taken to Westminster Abbey on a hearse drawn by four horses hung with black velvet. In the words of the chronicler John Stow:

Westminster was surcharged with multitudes of all sorts of people in their streets, houses, windows, leads and gutters, that came out to see the obsequy, and when they beheld her statue lying upon the coffin, there was such a general sighing, groaning and weeping as the like hath not been seen or known in the memory of man.[179]

Elizabeth was interred in Westminster Abbey in a tomb she shares with her half-sister, Mary. The Latin inscription on their tomb, "Regno consortes & urna, hic obdormimus Elizabetha et Maria sorores, in spe resurrectionis", translates to "Consorts in realm and tomb, here we sleep, Elizabeth and Mary, sisters, in hope of resurrection".[180]

Legacy and memory Further information: Cultural depictions of Elizabeth I of England

Elizabeth I. The "Rainbow Portrait", c. 1600, an allegorical representation of the Queen, become ageless in her old age

Elizabeth I, painted after 1620, during the first revival of interest in her reign. Time sleeps on her right and Death looks over her left shoulder; two putti hold the crown above her head.[181] Elizabeth was lamented by many of her subjects, but others were relieved at her death.[182] Expectations of King James started high but then declined, so by the 1620s there was a nostalgic revival of the cult of Elizabeth.[183] Elizabeth was praised as a heroine of the Protestant cause and the ruler of a golden age. James was depicted as a Catholic sympathiser, presiding over a corrupt court.[184] The triumphalist image that Elizabeth had cultivated towards the end of her reign, against a background of factionalism and military and economic difficulties,[185] was taken at face value and her reputation inflated. Godfrey Goodman, Bishop of Gloucester, recalled: "When we had experience of a Scottish government, the Queen did seem to revive. Then was her memory much magnified."[186] Elizabeth's reign became idealised as a time when crown, church and parliament had worked in constitutional balance.[187]

The picture of Elizabeth painted by her Protestant admirers of the early 17th century has proved lasting and influential.[188] Her memory was also revived during the Napoleonic Wars, when the nation again found itself on the brink of invasion.[189] In the Victorian era, the Elizabethan legend was adapted to the imperial ideology of the day,[182][190] and in the mid-20th century, Elizabeth was a romantic symbol of the national resistance to foreign threat.[191][192] Historians of that period, such as J. E. Neale (1934) and A. L. Rowse (1950), interpreted Elizabeth's reign as a golden age of progress.[193] Neale and Rowse also idealised the Queen personally: she always did everything right; her more unpleasant traits were ignored or explained as signs of stress.[194]

Recent historians, however, have taken a more complicated view of Elizabeth.[195] Her reign is famous for the defeat of the Armada, and for successful raids against the Spanish, such as those on Cádiz in 1587 and 1596, but some historians point to military failures on land and at sea.[125] In Ireland, Elizabeth's forces ultimately prevailed, but their tactics stain her record.[196] Rather than as a brave defender of the Protestant nations against Spain and the Habsburgs, she is more often regarded as cautious in her foreign policies. She offered very limited aid to foreign Protestants and failed to provide her commanders with the funds to make a difference abroad.[197]

Elizabeth established an English church that helped shape a national identity and remains in place today.[198][199][200] Those who praised her later as a Protestant heroine overlooked her refusal to drop all practices of Catholic origin from the Church of England.[201] Historians note that in her day, strict Protestants regarded the Acts of Settlement and Uniformity of 1559 as a compromise.[202][203] In fact, Elizabeth believed that faith was personal and did not wish, as Francis Bacon put it, to "make windows into men's hearts and secret thoughts".[204][205]

Though Elizabeth followed a largely defensive foreign policy, her reign raised England's status abroad. "She is only a woman, only mistress of half an island," marvelled Pope Sixtus V, "and yet she makes herself feared by Spain, by France, by the Empire, by all".[206] Under Elizabeth, the nation gained a new self-confidence and sense of sovereignty, as Christendom fragmented.[183][207][208] Elizabeth was the first Tudor to recognise that a monarch ruled by popular consent.[209] She therefore always worked with parliament and advisers she could trust to tell her the truth—a style of government that her Stuart successors failed to follow. Some historians have called her lucky;[206] she believed that God was protecting her.[210] Priding herself on being "mere English",[211] Elizabeth trusted in God, honest advice, and the love of her subjects for the success of her rule.[212] In a prayer, she offered thanks to God that:

[At a time] when wars and seditions with grievous persecutions have vexed almost all kings and countries round about me, my reign hath been peacable, and my realm a receptacle to thy afflicted Church. The love of my people hath appeared firm, and the devices of my enemies frustrate.[206]

Family tree Thomas Boleyn, 1st Earl of Wiltshire Elizabeth Howard Henry VII, King of England Elizabeth of York Mary Boleyn Anne Boleyn Henry VIII, King of England Margaret Mary Catherine Carey Henry Carey, 1st Baron Hunsdon Elizabeth I, Queen of England Mary I, Queen of England Edward VI, King of England James V, King of Scots Margaret Douglas Frances Brandon Catherine Carey Mary I, Queen of Scots HJames VI, King of Scots Ancestry [show]Ancestors of Elizabeth I of England See also Early modern Britain English Renaissance Portraiture of Elizabeth I of England Protestant Reformation Royal Arms of England Royal eponyms in Canada for Queen Elizabeth I Royal Standards of England Tudor period Notes Jump up ^ "I mean to direct all my actions by good advice and counsel." Elizabeth's first speech as queen, Hatfield House, 20 November 1558. Loades, 35. ^ Jump up to: a b Starkey Elizabeth: Woman, 5. Jump up ^ Neale, 386. Jump up ^ Somerset, 729. Jump up ^ Somerset, 4. Jump up ^ Loades, 3–5 Jump up ^ Somerset, 4–5. Jump up ^ Loades, 6–7. Jump up ^ An Act of July 1536 stated that Elizabeth was "illegitimate ... and utterly foreclosed, excluded and banned to claim, challenge, or demand any inheritance as lawful heir ... to [the King] by lineal descent". Somerset, 10. Jump up ^ Loades, 7–8. Jump up ^ Somerset, 11. Jenkins (1957), 13 Jump up ^ Richardson, 39–46. Jump up ^ Richardson, 56, 75–82, 136 Jump up ^ Weir, Children of Henry VIII, 7. Jump up ^ Our knowledge of Elizabeth's schooling and precocity comes largely from the memoirs of Roger Ascham, also the tutor of Prince Edward. Loades, 8–10. Jump up ^ Somerset, 25. Jump up ^ Loades, 21. Jump up ^ contributor: Dr. Ivan Herbison (18 August 2013). A Kist o Wurds. Series 33. Episode 2. 9.10 minutes in. BBC Radio Ulster. Jump up ^ "Venice: April 1603", Calendar of State Papers Relating to English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 9: 1592–1603 (1897), 562–570. Retrieved 22 March 2012. Jump up ^ Stoyle, Mark. West Britons, Cornish Identities and the Early Modern British State, University of Exeter Press, 2002, p220. Jump up ^ Davenport, 32. ^ Jump up to: a b Loades, 11. Jump up ^ Starkey Elizabeth: Apprenticeship, p. 69 Jump up ^ Loades, 14. Jump up ^ Haigh, 8. Jump up ^ Neale, 32. Jump up ^ Williams Elizabeth, 24. Jump up ^ Loades, 14, 16. ^ Jump up to: a b Neale, 33. Jump up ^ Elizabeth had assembled 2,000 horsemen, "a remarkable tribute to the size of her affinity". Loades 24–25. Jump up ^ Loades, 27. Jump up ^ Neale, 45. Jump up ^ Loades, 28. Jump up ^ Somerset, 51. Jump up ^ Loades, 29. Jump up ^ "The wives of Wycombe passed cake and wafers to her until her litter became so burdened that she had to beg them to stop." Neale, 49. Jump up ^ Loades, 32. Jump up ^ Somerset, 66. Jump up ^ Neale, 53. Jump up ^ Loades, 33. Jump up ^ Neale, 59. Jump up ^ Kantorowicz, ix Jump up ^ Full document reproduced by Loades, 36–37. Jump up ^ Somerset, 89–90. The "Festival Book" account, from the British Library Jump up ^ Neale, 70. Jump up ^ Patrick Collinson, "Elizabeth I (1533–1603)" in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2008) accessed 23 Aug 2011 Jump up ^ Lee, Christopher (1995, 1998). "Disc 1". This Sceptred Isle 1547–1660. ISBN 978-0-563-55769-2. Check date values in: |date= (help) Jump up ^ Loades, 46. Jump up ^ "It was fortunate that ten out of twenty-six bishoprics were vacant, for of late there had been a high rate of mortality among the episcopate, and a fever had conveniently carried off Mary's Archbishop of Canterbury, Reginald Pole, less than twenty-four hours after her own death". Somerset, 98. Jump up ^ "There were no less than ten sees unrepresented through death or illness and the carelessness of 'the accursed cardinal' [Pole]". Black, 10. Jump up ^ Somerset, 101–103. Jump up ^ "Stamp-sized Elizabeth I miniatures to fetch ₤80.000", Daily Telegraph, 17 November 2009 Retrieved 16 May 2010 Jump up ^ Loades, 38. Jump up ^ Haigh, 19. Jump up ^ Loades, 39. Jump up ^ Retha Warnicke, "Why Elizabeth I Never Married," History Review, Sept 2010, Issue 67, pp 15–20 Jump up ^ Loades, 42; Wilson, 95 Jump up ^ Wilson, 95 Jump up ^ Skidmore, 162, 165, 166–168 Jump up ^ Chamberlin, 118 Jump up ^ Somerset, 166–167. Most modern historians have considered murder unlikely; breast cancer and suicide being the most widely accepted explanations (Doran Monarchy, 44). The coroner's report, hitherto believed lost, came to light in The National Archives in the late 2000s and is compatible with a downstairs fall as well as other violence (Skidmore, 230–233). Jump up ^ Wilson, 126–128 Jump up ^ Doran Monarchy, 45 Jump up ^ Doran Monarchy, 212. Jump up ^ Adams, 384, 146. Jump up ^ Jenkins (1961), 245, 247; Hammer, 46. Jump up ^ Doran Queen Elizabeth I, 61. Jump up ^ Wilson, 303. Jump up ^ Frieda, 397. ^ Jump up to: a b c Haigh, 17. Jump up ^ Elizabeth Jenkins Elizabeth the Great London 1959 p 59; Karin Tegenborg Falkdalen Vasadöttrarna ISBN 978-91-87031-26-7 p 126; Michael Roberts The Early Vasas Cambridge 1968 pp 159 & 207 Jump up ^ Loades, 53–54. Jump up ^ Loades, 54. Jump up ^ Somerset, 408. Jump up ^ Doran Monarchy, 87 Jump up ^ Haigh, 20–21. Jump up ^ Haigh, 22–23. Jump up ^ Anna Dowdeswell (28 November 2007). "Historic painting is sold for £2.6 million". bucksherald.co.uk. Retrieved 17 December 2008. Jump up ^ John N. King, "Queen Elizabeth I: Representations of the Virgin Queen," Renaissance Quarterly Vol. 43, No. 1 (Spring, 1990), pp. 30–74 in JSTOR Jump up ^ Haigh, 23. Jump up ^ Susan Doran, "Juno Versus Diana: The Treatment of Elizabeth I's Marriage in Plays and Entertainments, 1561–1581," Historical Journal 38 (1995): 257–74 in JSTOR Jump up ^ Haigh, 24. Jump up ^ Haigh, 131. Jump up ^ Mary's position as heir derived from her great-grandfather Henry VII of England, through his daughter Margaret Tudor. In her own words, "I am the nearest kinswoman she hath, being both of us of one house and stock, the Queen my good sister coming of the brother, and I of the sister". Guy, 115. Jump up ^ On Elizabeth's accession, Mary's Guise relatives had pronounced her Queen of England and had the English arms emblazoned with those of Scotland and France on her plate and furniture. Guy, 96–97. Jump up ^ By the terms of the treaty, both English and French troops withdrew from Scotland. Haigh, 132. Jump up ^ Loades, 67. Jump up ^ Loades, 68. Jump up ^ Simon Adams: "Dudley, Robert, earl of Leicester (1532/3–1588)" Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online edn. May 2008 (subscription required) Retrieved 3 April 2010 Jump up ^ Letter to Mary, Queen of Scots, 23 June 1567." Quoted by Loades, 69–70. Jump up ^ Loades, 72–73. Jump up ^ Loades, 73 Jump up ^ Williams Norfolk, p. 174 ^ Jump up to: a b McGrath, 69 ^ Jump up to: a b c Collinson p. 67 Jump up ^ Collinson pp. 67–68 Jump up ^ Collinson p. 68 Jump up ^ Loades, 73. Jump up ^ Guy, 483–484. Jump up ^ Loades, 78–79. Jump up ^ Guy, 1–11. Jump up ^ Frieda, 191. ^ Jump up to: a b Loades, 61. Jump up ^ Flynn and Spence, 126–128. Jump up ^ Somerset, 607–611. ^ Jump up to: a b Haigh, 135. Jump up ^ Strong and van Dorsten, 20–26 Jump up ^ Strong and van Dorsten, 43 Jump up ^ Strong and van Dorsten, 72 Jump up ^ Strong and van Dorsten, 50 Jump up ^ Letter to Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, 10 February 1586, delivered by Sir Thomas Heneage. Loades, 94. Jump up ^ Chamberlin, 263–264 Jump up ^ Elizabeth's ambassador in France was actively misleading her as to the true intentions of the Spanish king, who only tried to buy time for his great assault upon England: Parker, 193. Jump up ^ Haynes, 15; Strong and van Dorsten, 72–79 Jump up ^ Parker, 193–194 ^ Jump up to: a b Haigh, 138. Jump up ^ When the Spanish naval commander, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, reached the coast near Calais, he found the Duke of Parma's troops unready and was forced to wait, giving the English the opportunity to launch their attack. Loades, 64. Jump up ^ Black, 349. ^ Jump up to: a b Neale, 300. Jump up ^ Somerset, 591; Neale, 297–98. ^ Jump up to: a b Black, 353. Jump up ^ Haigh, 145. Jump up ^ For example, C. H. Wilson castigates Elizabeth for half-heartedness in the war against Spain. Haigh, 183. Jump up ^ Somerset, 655. ^ Jump up to: a b Haigh, 142. Jump up ^ Haigh, 143. Jump up ^ Haigh, 143–144. Jump up ^ One observer wrote that Ulster, for example, was "as unknown to the English here as the most inland part of Virginia". Somerset, 667. Jump up ^ Loades, 55 Jump up ^ Somerset, 668. Jump up ^ Somerset, 668–669. Jump up ^ Loades, 98. Jump up ^ In a letter of 19 July 1599 to Essex, Elizabeth wrote: "For what can be more true (if things be rightly examined) than that your two month's journey has brought in never a capital rebel against whom it had been worthy to have adventured one thousand men". Loades, 98. Jump up ^ Loades, 98–99. Jump up ^ Russia and Britain by Crankshaw, Edward, published by Collins, 126 p. The Nations and Britain series ^ Jump up to: a b Tate Gallery exhibition "East-West: Objects between cultures", Tate.org.uk ^ Jump up to: a b c Virginia Mason Vaughan (2005). Performing Blackness on English Stages, 1500–1800. Cambridge University Press. p. 57. ISBN 978-0-521-84584-7. Jump up ^ Allardyce Nicoll (2002). Shakespeare Survey With Index 1–10. Cambridge University Press. p. 90. ISBN 978-0-521-52347-9. Jump up ^ Emily Carroll Bartels (2008). Speaking of the Moor, Emily C. Bartels p.24. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-4076-4. Jump up ^ University of Birmingham Collections Mimsy.bham.ac.uk ^ Jump up to: a b c Kupperman, p. 39 Jump up ^ Nicoll, p.96 Jump up ^ The Encyclopedia of world history by Peter N. Stearns, p.353. Google Books. Retrieved 2 May 2010. Jump up ^ Kupperman, p.40 Jump up ^ Kupperman, p.41 ^ Jump up to: a b Haigh, 155. Jump up ^ Black, 355–356. Jump up ^ Black, 355. Jump up ^ This criticism of Elizabeth was noted by Elizabeth's early biographers William Camden and John Clapham. For a detailed account of such criticisms and of Elizabeth's "government by illusion", see chapter 8, "The Queen and the People", Haigh, 149–169. Jump up ^ Adams, 7; Hammer, 1; Collinson, 89 Jump up ^ Collinson, 89 Jump up ^ Doran Monarchy, 216 Jump up ^ Hammer, 1–2 Jump up ^ Hammer, 1, 9 Jump up ^ Hammer, 9–10 Jump up ^ Lacey, 117–120 Jump up ^ A Patent of Monopoly gave the holder control over an aspect of trade or manufacture. See Neale, 382. Jump up ^ Williams Elizabeth, 208. Jump up ^ Black, 192–194. Jump up ^ Neale, 383–384. Jump up ^ Loades, 86. Jump up ^ Black, 239. Jump up ^ Black, 239–245. Jump up ^ Haigh, 176. ^ Jump up to: a b Loades, 92. Jump up ^ Haigh, 171. Jump up ^ "The metaphor of drama is an appropriate one for Elizabeth's reign, for her power was an illusion—and an illusion was her power. Like Henry IV of France, she projected an image of herself which brought stability and prestige to her country. By constant attention to the details of her total performance, she kept the rest of the cast on their toes and kept her own part as queen." Haigh, 179. Jump up ^ Loades, 93. Jump up ^ Loades, 97. Jump up ^ Black, 410. Jump up ^ After Essex's downfall, James VI of Scotland referred to Cecil as "king there in effect". Croft, 48. Jump up ^ Cecil wrote to James, "The subject itself is so perilous to touch amongst us as it setteth a mark upon his head forever that hatcheth such a bird". Willson, 154. Jump up ^ James VI of Scotland was a great-great-grandson of Henry VII of England, and thus Elizabeth's first cousin twice removed, since Henry VII was Elizabeth's paternal grandfather. Jump up ^ Willson, 154. Jump up ^ Willson, 155. Jump up ^ Neale, 385. Jump up ^ Black, 411. Jump up ^ Black, 410–411. Jump up ^ Weir, Elizabeth, 486. Jump up ^ Stanley, Arthur Penrhyn (1868). "The royal tombs". Historical memorials of Westminster Abbey. London: John Murray. p. 178. OCLC 24223816. Jump up ^ Strong, 163–164. ^ Jump up to: a b Loades, 100–101. ^ Jump up to: a b Somerset, 726. Jump up ^ Strong, 164. Jump up ^ Haigh, 170. Jump up ^ Weir, 488. Jump up ^ Dobson and Watson, 257. Jump up ^ Haigh, 175, 182. Jump up ^ Dobson and Watson, 258. Jump up ^ The age of Elizabeth was redrawn as one of chivalry, epitomised by courtly encounters between the queen and sea-dog "heroes" such as Drake and Raleigh. Some Victorian narratives, such as Raleigh laying his cloak before the queen or presenting her with a potato, remain part of the myth. Dobson and Watson, 258. Jump up ^ Haigh, 175. Jump up ^ In his preface to the 1952 reprint of Queen Elizabeth I, J. E. Neale observed: "The book was written before such words as "ideological", "fifth column", and "cold war" became current; and it is perhaps as well that they are not there. But the ideas are present, as is the idea of romantic leadership of a nation in peril, because they were present in Elizabethan times". Jump up ^ Haigh, 182. Jump up ^ Kenyon, 207 Jump up ^ Haigh, 183. Jump up ^ Black, 408–409. Jump up ^ Haigh, 142–147, 174–177. Jump up ^ Loades, 46–50. Jump up ^ Weir, Elizabeth, 487. Jump up ^ Hogge, 9–10. Jump up ^ The new state religion was condemned at the time in such terms as "a cloaked papistry, or mingle mangle". Somerset, 102. Jump up ^ Haigh, 45–46, 177. Jump up ^ Black, 14–15. Jump up ^ Williams Elizabeth, 50. Jump up ^ Haigh, 42. ^ Jump up to: a b c Somerset, 727. Jump up ^ Hogge, 9n. Jump up ^ Loades, 1. Jump up ^ As Elizabeth's Lord Keeper, Sir Nicholas Bacon, put it on her behalf to parliament in 1559, the queen "is not, nor ever meaneth to be, so wedded to her own will and fantasy that for the satisfaction thereof she will do anything ... to bring any bondage or servitude to her people, or give any just occasion to them of any inward grudge whereby any tumults or stirs might arise as hath done of late days". Starkey Elizabeth: Woman, 7. Jump up ^ Somerset, 75–76. Jump up ^ Edwards, 205. Jump up ^ Starkey Elizabeth: Woman, 6–7. References Adams, Simon (2002), Leicester and the Court: Essays in Elizabethan Politics, Manchester: Manchester University Press, ISBN 978-0-7190-5325-2. Black, J. B. (1945) [1936], The Reign of Elizabeth: 1558–1603, Oxford: Clarendon, OCLC 5077207. Chamberlin, Frederick (1939), Elizabeth and Leycester, Dodd, Mead & Co.. Collinson, Patrick. "Elizabeth I (1533–1603)" in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2008) Retrieved 23 Aug 2011 Collinson, Patrick (2007), Elizabeth I, Oxford: Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-921356-6. Croft, Pauline (2003), King James, Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN 978-0-333-61395-5. Davenport, Cyril (1899), Pollard, Alfred, ed., English Embroidered Bookbindings, London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner and Co., OCLC 705685. Dobson, Michael & Watson, Nicola (2003), "Elizabeth's Legacy", in Doran, Susan, Elizabeth: The Exhibition at the National Maritime Museum, London: Chatto and Windus, ISBN 978-0-7011-7476-7. Doran, Susan (1996), Monarchy and Matrimony: The Courtships of Elizabeth I, London: Routledge, ISBN 978-0-415-11969-6. Doran, Susan (2003), Queen Elizabeth I, London: British Library, ISBN 978-0-7123-4802-7. Doran, Susan (2003), "The Queen's Suitors and the Problem of the Succession", in Doran, Susan, Elizabeth: The Exhibition at the National Maritime Museum, London: Chatto and Windus, ISBN 978-0-7011-7476-7. Edwards, Philip (2004), The Making of the Modern English State: 1460–1660, Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN 978-0-312-23614-4. Flynn, Sian & Spence, David (2003), "Elizabeth's Adventurers", in Doran, Susan, Elizabeth: The Exhibition at the National Maritime Museum, London: Chatto and Windus, ISBN 978-0-7011-7476-7. Frieda, Leonie (2005), Catherine de Medici, London: Phoenix, ISBN 978-0-7538-2039-1. Guy, John (2004), My Heart is My Own: The Life of Mary Queen of Scots, London and New York: Fourth Estate, ISBN 978-1-84115-752-8. Haigh, Christopher (2000), Elizabeth I (2nd ed.), Harlow (UK): Longman Pearson, ISBN 978-0-582-43754-8. Hammer, P. E. J. (1999), The Polarisation of Elizabethan Politics: The Political Career of Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex, 1585–1597, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-01941-5. Haynes, Alan (1987), The White Bear: The Elizabethan Earl of Leicester, Peter Owen, ISBN 978-0-7206-0672-0. Hogge, Alice (2005), God's Secret Agents: Queen Elizabeth's Forbidden Priests and the Hatching of the Gunpowder Plot, London: HarperCollins, ISBN 0-00-715637-5. Jenkins, Elizabeth (2002) [1961], Elizabeth and Leicester, The Phoenix Press, ISBN 978-1-84212-560-1. Jenkins, Elizabeth (1967) [1957], Elizabeth the Great, New York: Capricorn Books, G.P. Putnam's and Sons, ISBN 978-1-898799-70-2. Kantorowicz, Ernst Hartwig (1997). The king's two bodies: a study in mediaeval political theology (2 ed.). Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-01704-4. Kenyon, John P. (1983), The History Men: The Historical Profession in England since the Renaissance, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, ISBN 978-0-297-78254-4. Kupperman, Karen Ordahl (2007), The Jamestown Project, Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0-674-02474-8. Lacey, Robert (1971), Robert Earl of Essex: An Elizabethan Icarus, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, ISBN 978-0-297-00320-5. Loades, David (2003), Elizabeth I: The Golden Reign of Gloriana, London: The National Archives, ISBN 978-1-903365-43-4. McGrath, Patrick (1967), Papists and Puritans under Elizabeth I, London: Blandford Press. Neale, J. E. (1954) [1934], Queen Elizabeth I: A Biography (reprint ed.), London: Jonathan Cape, OCLC 220518. Parker, Geoffrey (2000), The Grand Strategy of Philip II, New Haven: Yale University Press, ISBN 978-0-300-08273-9. Richardson, Ruth Elizabeth (2007), Mistress Blanche: Queen Elizabeth I's Confidante, Woonton: Logaston Press, ISBN 978-1-904396-86-4. Rowse, A. L. (1950), The England of Elizabeth, London: Macmillan, OCLC 181656553. Skidmore, Chris (2010), Death and the Virgin: Elizabeth, Dudley and the Mysterious Fate of Amy Robsart, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, ISBN 978-0-297-84650-5. Somerset, Anne (2003), Elizabeth I. (1st Anchor Books ed.), London: Anchor Books, ISBN 978-0-385-72157-8. Starkey, David (2001), Elizabeth: Apprenticeship, London: Vintage, ISBN 978-0-09-928657-8. Starkey, David (2003), "Elizabeth: Woman, Monarch, Mission", in Doran, Susan, Elizabeth: The Exhibition at the National Maritime Museum, London: Chatto and Windus, ISBN 978-0-7011-7476-7. Strong, Roy C. (2003) [1987], Gloriana: The Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I, London: Pimlico, ISBN 978-0-7126-0944-9. Strong, R. C. & van Dorsten, J. A. (1964), Leicester's Triumph, Oxford University Press. Weir, Alison (1997), The Children of Henry VIII, London: Random House, ISBN 978-0-345-40786-3. Weir, Alison (1999), Elizabeth the Queen, London: Pimlico, ISBN 978-0-7126-7312-9. Williams, Neville (1964), Thomas Howard, Fourth Duke of Norfolk, London: Barrie & Rockliff. Williams, Neville (1972), The Life and Times of Elizabeth I, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, ISBN 978-0-297-83168-6. Willson, David Harris (1963) [1956], King James VI & I, London: Jonathan Cape, ISBN 978-0-224-60572-4. Wilson, Derek (1981), Sweet Robin: A Biography of Robert Dudley Earl of Leicester 1533–1588, London: Hamish Hamilton, ISBN 978-0-241-10149-0. Woodward, Jennifer (1997), The Theatre of Death: The Ritual Management of Royal Funerals in Renaissance England, 1570–1625, Boydell & Brewer, ISBN 978-0-85115-704-7 Further reading Beem, Charles. The Foreign Relations of Elizabeth I (2011) excerpt and text search Bridgen, Susan (2001). New Worlds, Lost Worlds: The Rule of the Tudors, 1485–1603. New York, NY: Viking Penguin. ISBN 978-0-670-89985-2. Hodges, J. P. The Nature of the Lion: Elizabeth I and Our Anglican Heritage (London: Faith Press, 1962). 153 p. Jones, Norman. The Birth of the Elizabethan Age: England in the 1560s (Blackwell, 1993) MacCaffrey Wallace T. Elizabeth I (1993), political biography summarising his multivolume study: MacCaffrey Wallace T. The Shaping of the Elizabethan Regime: Elizabethan Politics, 1558–1572 (1969) MacCaffrey Wallace T. Queen Elizabeth and the Making of Policy, 1572–1588 (1988) MacCaffrey Wallace T. Elizabeth I: War and Politics, 1588–1603 (1994) McLaren, A. N. Political Culture in the Reign of Elizabeth I: Queen and Commonwealth, 1558–1585 (Cambridge University Press, 1999) excerpt and text search Palliser, D. M. The Age of Elizabeth: England Under the Later Tudors, 1547–1603 (1983) survey of social and economic history Jasper Godwin Ridley (1989). Elizabeth I: The Shrewdness of Virtue. Fromm International. ISBN 978-0-88064-110-4. Primary sources and early histories Elizabeth I (2002). Elizabeth I: Collected Works. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-50465-0. Susan M. Felch, ed. Elizabeth I and Her Age (Norton Critical Editions) (2009); 700pp; primary and secondary sources, with an emphasis on literature Camden, William. History of the Most Renowned and Victorious Princess Elizabeth. Wallace T. MacCaffrey (ed). Chicago: University of Chicago Press, selected chapters, 1970 edition. OCLC 59210072. William Camden. Annales Rerum Gestarum Angliae et Hiberniae Regnante Elizabetha. (1615 and 1625.) Hypertext edition, with English translation. Dana F. Sutton (ed.), 2000. Retrieved 7 December 2007. Clapham, John. Elizabeth of England. E. P. Read and Conyers Read (eds). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1951. OCLC 1350639. Historiography and memory Carlson, Eric Josef. "Teaching Elizabeth Tudor with Movies: Film, Historical Thinking, and the Classroom," Sixteenth Century Journal, Summer 2007, Vol. 38 Issue 2, pp 419–440 Collinson, Patrick. "Elizabeth I and the verdicts of history," Historical Research, Nov 2003, Vol. 76 Issue 194, pp 469–91 Doran, Susan, and Thomas S. Freeman, eds. The Myth of Elizabeth.(2003). 280 pp. Greaves, Richard L., ed. Elizabeth I, Queen of England (1974), excerpts from historians Haigh, Christopher, ed. The Reign of Elizabeth I (1984), essays by scholars Howard, Maurice. "Elizabeth I: A Sense Of Place In Stone, Print And Paint," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Dec 2004, Vol. 14 Issue 1, pp 261–268 Hulme, Harold. "Elizabeth I and Her Parliaments: The Work of Sir John Neale," Journal of Modern History Vol. 30, No. 3 (Sept. 1958), pp. 236–240 in JSTOR Montrose, Louis. The Subject of Elizabeth: Authority, Gender, and Representation. (2006). 341 pp. Watkins, John. Representing Elizabeth in Stuart England: Literature, History, Sovereignty (2002) 264pp Michael Dobson; Nicola Jane Watson (2002). England's Elizabeth: An Afterlife in Fame and Fantasy. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 978-0-19-818377-8. Woolf, D. R. "Two Elizabeths? James I and the Late Queen's Famous Memory," Canadian Journal of History, Aug 1985, Vol. 20 Issue 2, pp 167–91 External links Wikisource has original works written by or about: Elizabeth I of England Wikiquote has quotations related to: Elizabeth I of England Media related to Elizabeth I of England at Wikimedia Commons Archival material relating to Elizabeth I of England listed at the UK National Archives Works by or about Elizabeth I of England in libraries (WorldCat catalog) Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I at the National Portrait Gallery, London Elizabeth I of England House of Tudor Born: 7 September 1533 Died: 24 March 1603 Regnal titles Preceded by Mary I and Philip	Queen of England and Ireland 1558–1603	Succeeded by James I This is a featured article. Click here for more information. [show] v t e English, Scottish and British monarchs [show] v t e Anglicanism Authority control WorldCat VIAF: 97107753 LCCN: n79081709 GND: 118529870 SUDOC: 027474526 BNF: cb32074443f (data) NDL: 00620625 Categories: Elizabeth I of England1533 births1603 deathsEnglish people of the Anglo-Spanish War (1585–1604)Burials at Westminster AbbeyEnglish AnglicansEnglish monarchsEnglish people of Welsh descentEnglish women writersFounders of English schools and collegesChildren of Henry VIII of EnglandHouse of TudorPeople excommunicated by the Roman Catholic ChurchPeople from GreenwichPeople of the French Wars of ReligionEnglish pretenders to the French thronePrisoners in the Tower of LondonProtestant monarchsQueens regnant of EnglandRegicides of Mary, Queen of ScotsSmallpox survivors16th-century English people16th-century female rulers16th-century translators16th-century women16th-century English writers16th-century women writers16th-century poets17th-century female rulers17th-century English people17th-century women16th-century monarchs in Europe17th-century monarchs in EuropeEnglish women poetsWomen translators Navigation menu Ben Greer0TalkSandboxPreferencesBetaWatchlistContributionsLog outArticleTalkReadView sourceView historyWatch

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Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License; additional terms may apply. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization. -- Table of Contents 1   Life 2   Footnotes 3   References 4   External links Life Sir John Shelton (1476/7–1539) was the son of Sir Ralph Shelton (c. January 1431 – 16 July 1497) and Margaret Clere (d. 16 January 1500), the daughter of Robert Clere, esquire, of Ormesby, Norfolk, by Elizabeth Uvedale, the daughter of Thomas Uvedale, esquire. He had two brothers, Ralph Shelton (d.1538), who married Mary Brome (d. 29 August 1540), and Richard Shelton, a priest, and two sisters, Elizabeth Shelton, and Alice Shelton, who married John Heveningham.[1] The family took its name from the village of Shelton near Norwich, and had held land in East Anglia, including Shelton Hall, for three centuries before Shelton's birth. Before 1503, Shelton married Anne (18th Nov 1475 – 06 Jan 1555), the daughter of Sir William Boleyn of Blickling, Norfolk. Shelton was appointed High Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk in 1504 and 1522, and was a Justice of the Peace for Norfolk. At the coronation of King Henry VIII he was made a Knight of the Bath.[2] Shelton and his wife rose to prominence when King Henry VIII married, as his second wife, Lady Shelton's niece, Anne Boleyn, the daughter of Lady Shelton's brother, Sir Thomas Boleyn. After Queen Anne's coronation in 1533, Lady Shelton and her sister, Lady Alice Clere (d. 1 November 1538),[3] were placed in charge of the King's daughter, Mary, at Hatfield Palace.[4] According to Block, this was likely done to pressure Mary to recognize Anne as queen.[5] By July 1536 Shelton was controller of the household established for Mary and Anne Boleyn's daughter, Elizabeth. On 22 November 1538 he was granted the site of the former Benedictine nunnery of Carrow just outside Norwich. This property became the family seat.[6] Shelton died on 21 December 1539[7] at the age of 62, and was buried in the chancel of Shelton church. He was said to have been "a man of great possessions", which he sought to pass on to his heirs contrary to the Statute of Uses. When the stratagem came to light after Shelton's death, the lawyers involved were punished, and an Act of Parliament was passed annulling such "crafty conveyances".[8][9] Shelton had at least six children. His son and heir, Sir John Shelton (b. in or before 1503, d. 1558), married Margaret, the daughter of Henry Parker, 10th Baron Morley.[10] His daughter Anne married Edmund Knyvet. Another daughter, Margaret, is said to have been a mistress of King Henry VIII.[11] His youngest daughter, Mary, married firstly, Sir Anthony Heaveningham, and secondly, Philip Appleyard.[3. --                                                 United States District Court for the Eastern District of Tennessee --                                                               )                                                                )          United States of America                             )                      v.                                        ) Monroe County Sheriff's                             )                  Case No.                  Department                                    ) etc... )                                                               )                                                               ) --                                                        Criminal Complaint -- I, Benjamin Eugene Greer; the complaint in this case, state that following is true to the best of knowledge and belief. On or about the date(s) of November 13, 2012 in the county of Monroe in the 10th District of Tennessee, the defendant(s) violates: --                  Code Section                                 )                        Offence Description -- T.C.A. 39-14-104                                             )                                                                               T.C.A. 47-50-109                                              )                                                                        T.C.A. 47-15-113                                              )                         Case# 512-1846                                              T.C.A. 38-3-102                                               )                       (Theft of Service) T.C.A. 40-6-25                                               ) T.C.A. 40-6-215                                               ) etc... ) --                                      This criminal complaint is based on these facts: --  One is guilty of theft of services if he or she “(1) Intentionally obtains services by deception, fraud, coercion, false pretense or any other means to avoid payment for the services; (2) Having control over the (disposition) of services to others, knowingly (diverts) those services to the person’s own benefit or to the benefit of another not entitled thereto; or (3) Knowingly absconds from establishments where compensation for services is ordinarily paid immediately upon the rendering of them, including, but not limited to, hotels, motels and restaurants, without payment or a bona fide offer to pay.” T.C.A. § 39-14-104. Disposition (Above and below 's) Act of disposing; (transferring to the care or possession of another). The parting with, alienation of, or giving up of property. The final settlement of a matter and, with reference to decisions announced by a court, a judge's ruling is commonly referred to as disposition, regardless of level of resolution. In Criminal Procedure, the sentencing or other final settlement of a criminal case. With respect to a mental state, means an attitude, prevailing tendency, or inclination. divert (Above 's) verb avertere, cause to bend, cause to curve, cause to deviate, cause to turn from, change the course of, deducere, deflect, derivare, deter, deviate, distract, draw aside, draw away, misappropriate, misdirect, mislead, parry, pull aside, push aside, put off the track, redirect, shift, shunt, sidetrack, swerve, turn aside, veer Associated concepts: diversion of assets, diversion of corpooate funds, diversion of proceeds, diversion of public funds to a private purpose, diversion of trust funds, illegal diverrion, unlawful diversion -- A person commits the crime of theft of services in Tennessee, if simply stated, a person obtains services by means of fraud, deception or coercion or by other means to avoid paying for those services received. It should be noted that walking away from a bar tab or restaurant bill is considered theft. In Tennessee, the respective felony and misdemeanor class is determined by the value of the stolen services or property. -- Tennessee Code 47-50-109 Procurement of breach of contracts unlawful — Damages Current as of: 2010 | Check for updates   | Other versions It is unlawful for any person, by inducement, persuasion, misrepresentation, or other means, to induce or procure the breach or violation, refusal or failure to perform any lawful contract by any party thereto; and, in every case where a breach or violation of such contract is so procured, the person so procuring or inducing the same shall be liable in treble the amount of damages resulting from or incident to the breach of the contract. The party injured by such breach may bring suit for the breach and for such damages. [Acts 1907, ch. 154, § 1; Shan., § 3193a8; mod. Code 1932, § 7811; T.C.A. (orig. ed.), §§ 47-1706, 47-15-113.] -- 2010 Tennessee Code Title 47 - Commercial Instruments And Transactions Chapter 50 - Miscellaneous Provisions 47-50-109 - Procurement of breach of contracts unlawful Damages. 47-50-109. Procurement of breach of contracts unlawful Damages. It is unlawful for any person, by inducement, persuasion, misrepresentation, or other means, to induce or procure the breach or violation, refusal or failure to perform any lawful contract by any party thereto; and, in every case where a breach or violation of such contract is so procured, the person so procuring or inducing the same shall be liable in treble the amount of damages resulting from or incident to the breach of the contract. The party injured by such breach may bring suit for the breach and for such damages. [Acts 1907, ch. 154, § 1; Shan., § 3193a8; mod. Code 1932, § 7811; T.C.A. (orig. ed.), §§ 47-1706, 47-15-113.] Disclaimer: These codes may not be the most recent version. Tennessee may have more current or accurate information. We make no warranties or guarantees about the accuracy, completeness, or adequacy of the information contained on this site or the information linked to on the state site. Please check official sources. -- Tennessee Code 40-6-215. Summons instead of arrest warrant Current as of: 2010 | Check for updates   | Other versions (a) (1) As an alternative to an arrest warrant as provided in §§ 40-6-201 – 40-6-214, the magistrate or clerk may issue a criminal summons instead of an arrest warrant except when an affiant is not a law enforcement officer as defined by § 39-11-106, or none of the affiants in the case of multiple-affiants is a law enforcement officer as defined by § 39-11-106, in which instance the magistrate or clerk shall issue a summons. (2) Notwithstanding the provisions of subdivision (a)(1), the magistrate may issue an arrest warrant instead of a criminal summons if: (A) The offense complained of is a felony, as defined in § 39-11-110, or the offense of stalking, as defined in § 39-17-315; (B) There are multiple-affiants and one or more of the affiants is a law enforcement officer as defined in § 39-11-106; (C) After examination of the affiant and the affidavit of complaint, the magistrate has probable cause to believe that the issuance of a warrant of arrest rather than a criminal summons is necessary to prevent an immediate danger of domestic abuse to a victim as defined in § 36-3-601; (D) The affiant has a written police report concerning the incident for which the arrest warrant is sought or it can be verified that the written report is on file with the appropriate law enforcement agency; (E) A reasonable likelihood exists that the person will fail to appear in court; (F) There are one (1) or more outstanding warrants or criminal summons for the person; or (G) The person cannot, has not or will not offer satisfactory evidence of identification. (b) The criminal summons shall be in substantially the same form as an arrest warrant except that it shall summon the defendant to appear before the magistrate or court at a stated time and place. It shall give notice to the person summoned that: (1) The defendant is being charged with a state criminal offense; (2) The summons is being issued in lieu of an arrest warrant; (3) The failure to appear in court on the date and time specified is a separate criminal offense regardless of the disposition of the charge for which the person is originally summoned; (4) Failure to appear for booking and processing is a separate criminal offense; (5) An arrest warrant will issue for failure to appear for court or failure to appear for booking and processing; (6) The failure to appear for court or failure to appear for booking and processing shall be punished as provided in § 39-16-609; and (7) The defendant is encouraged to consult with an attorney about the summons. (c) The summons shall be executed in triplicate and shall include a copy of the affidavit of complaint. When the summons is served, the original is to be returned to the court specified in the summons, one (1) copy, including a copy of the affidavit of complaint, given to the person summoned, and one (1) copy to be sent to the sheriff or other law enforcement agency in the county responsible for booking procedures. (d) By accepting the summons, the defendant agrees to appear at the sheriff’s department, or other law enforcement agency in the county responsible for booking procedures, to be booked and processed as directed by the sheriff’s department or other responsible law enforcement agency. If the defendant fails to appear for booking and processing as directed, the court shall issue a bench warrant for that person’s arrest. Failure to appear for booking and processing is a separate criminal offense and shall be punished as provided in § 39-16-609. (e) The sheriff or other law enforcement agency in the county responsible for serving the summons shall provide the defendant with notice of a court time and date the defendant is to appear. The notice shall be given either at the time the summons is served or at the time the defendant is booked and processed, if booking and processing is ordered to occur prior to the first court date. The court date so assigned shall be not less than ten (10) calendar days nor more than forty-five (45) days from service of the summons or booking and processing, if booking and processing is ordered to occur prior to the first court date. The notice shall be explicit as to where and when the court is to convene and shall advise the defendant that the defendant is encouraged to consult with an attorney about the summons. The court clerk, sheriff, or other law enforcement agency shall provide notice to the affiant, or affiants in the case of multiple-affiants, of the date and time when the defendant is required to appear before the court. (f) If the person summoned fails to appear in court on the date and time specified, the court shall issue a bench warrant for the person’s arrest. Failure to appear for court is a separate criminal offense and shall be punished as provided in § 39-16-609. (g) The summons shall have printed on it in conspicuous block letters the following: Click to view form. (h) Each person receiving a summons under this section shall sign the summons indicating knowledge of the notice in subsection (g). The signing of the summons is not an admission of guilt of the criminal offense charged. The signature of each person creates the presumption of knowledge of the notice and a presumption to violate this section if the person should not appear in court as directed or for booking and processing. If the person to receive the summons refuses to sign and accept the summons, the person shall be taken immediately before a magistrate. The magistrate shall order the terms and conditions of the defendant’s release to include the posting of bail as provided by title 40, chapter 11. (i) At the initial or any subsequent appearance of a defendant before the court, the judge may order the posting of bail as provided by title 40, chapter 11, as a condition of the continued or further release of the defendant pending the disposition of the summons. (j) The criminal summons shall be directed and served as provided by §§ 40-6-209 and 40-6-210 and shall be returned as provided by subsection (c). (k) The provisions of this section shall govern all aspects of the issuance of criminal summons, notwithstanding any provision of Rule 4 of the Tennessee Rules of Criminal Procedure to the contrary. (l) If any subsection, paragraph, sentence, clause or phrase of this section is for any reason held or declared to be invalid, void, unlawful or unconstitutional, that decision shall not affect the validity of the remaining portions of this section. (m) Notwithstanding this section, if the affiant to an affidavit of complaint for a criminal summons is the parent or legal guardian of a child who is the victim of alleged criminal conduct, no criminal summons shall issue to the affiant without the written approval of the district attorney general in the district in which the conduct occurred if: (1) The person the affiant seeks to have issued a criminal summons was an employee of an LEA at the time of the alleged offense; and (2) The affiant alleges that the LEA employee engaged in conduct that harmed the child of the affiant parent or legal guardian and, at the time of the conduct, the LEA employee had supervisory or disciplinary power over the child. [Acts 1977, ch. 225, § 1; T.C.A., § 40-716; Acts 2003, ch. 366, § 5; 2004, ch. 889, § 2; 2005, ch. 482, § 4; 2009, ch. 390, § 2.] -- According to TCA 38-3-102 ‘Duties of Sheriff’ ”The Sheriff is the principal conservator of the peace in the Sheriff’s County. It is the Sheriff’s duty to suppress all affrays, riots, routs, unlawful assemblies, insurrrections or other breaches of the peace, to do which the Sheriff may summon to such Sheriff’s aid as many of the inhabitants of the County as such Sheriff thinks proper.” June also quoted State vs. Reichman 135 Tenn. 685, 188 sw 597, 1916, “The Sheriff is the chief conservator of the peace in his county. He is the Commander of the law forces of the Count. All judicial and ministerial officers of justice and all city officials are required to aid him, and the population of his county is subject to his Command in the prevention and suppression of all public offenses.” June was met with applause after her speech which was promptly stopped by the committee chairman because “clapping is not allowed”. -- 2010 Tennessee Code Title 47 - Commercial Instruments And Transactions Chapter 50 - Miscellaneous Provisions 47-50-109 - Procurement of breach of contracts unlawful Damages. 47-50-109. Procurement of breach of contracts unlawful Damages. It is unlawful for any person, by inducement, persuasion, misrepresentation, or other means, to induce or procure the breach or violation, refusal or failure to perform any lawful contract by any party thereto; and, in every case where a breach or violation of such contract is so procured, the person so procuring or inducing the same shall be liable in treble the amount of damages resulting from or incident to the breach of the contract. The party injured by such breach may bring suit for the breach and for such damages. [Acts 1907, ch. 154, § 1; Shan., § 3193a8; mod. Code 1932, § 7811; T.C.A. (orig. ed.), §§ 47-1706, 47-15-113.] Disclaimer: These codes may not be the most recent version. Tennessee may have more current or accurate information. We make no warranties or guarantees about the accuracy, completeness, or adequacy of the information contained on this site or the information linked to on the state site. Please check official sources. -- 779 F.2d 320: Carruthers Ready-mix, Inc., Plaintiff-appellee, v. Cement Masons Local Union No. 520, et al., Defendants-appellants United States Court of Appeals, Sixth Circuit. - 779 F.2d 320 Argued July 16, 1985.Decided Dec. 18, 1985.Rehearing and Rehearing En Banc Denied Feb. 19, 1986 16 Tennessee recognizes both a common law and statutory action based on unlawful inducement of breach of contract. Tenn.Code Ann. Sec. 47-50-109 (previously Sec. 47-15-113) provides in pertinent part: 17 It shall be unlawful for any person, by inducement, persuasion, misrepresentation, or other means, to induce or procure the breach or violation, refusal or failure to perform any lawful contract by any party thereto. 18 Whether by statute or common law, this action has seven elements. 19 1. There must be a legal contract. 20 2. The wrongdoer must have knowledge of the existence of the contract. 21 3. There must be an intention to induce its breach. 22 4. The wrongdoer must have acted maliciously. 23 5. There must be a breach of the contract. 24 6. The act complained of must be the proximate cause of the breach of the contract. 25 7. There must have been damages resulting from the breach of the contract. --                                   etc... (Whatever else that shall be found) --

Benjamin Eugene Greer, Prince -                                                                                        Printed Name and Title --

United States District Court for the Eastern District Of Tennessee

--                                                                )             United States Of America                            ) v.                                     )                    Tennessee;                                   )                   Case No. 9th District Drug Task Force;                        )             Loudon Police Department;                            ) etc... )                                                                )                                                                                           --    I, Benjamin Eugene Greer, the complainant in this case; state that the following is true to the best of my knowledge and belief. -- On or about the date(s) of March 23, 2011 in the county of Loudon in the 9th District of Tennessee, the defendant(s) violated: --                  Code Section                                  )                   Offence Description -- United States Of America;                                        ) 2nd Amendment:                                                  )                                                                                                        Tennessee State Constitution;                                    ) Article 1-Section 26:                                           ) 105 Tennessee General Assembly; 0412, SB1419                     )                  Possession of Firearm                                106 Tennessee General Assembly; 0793  SB2390                     )                   by convicted felon 106 Tennessee General Assembly; 4031  HB0390                     ) 107 Tennessee General Assembly; SR0017                          ) Tennessee Firearm Freedom Act,                                   ) June 3, 2010(in full);                                          ) SB1610; HB1796:                                                  ) etc... )                                                          --                                          This criminal complaint is based on these facts:                                 Violations in the Code Section; Breach of Peace, Trust, Contracts, etc... -- AMENDMENTS (The first ten amendments, to the Constitution, were ratified December 15, 1791, and form what is known as the "Bill of Rights.")

AMENDMENT 2 A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed. -- TENNESSEE CONSTITUTION - ARTICLE I. DECLARATION OF RIGHTS

§ 26. Weapons; right to bear arms That the citizens of this State have a right to keep and to bear arms for their common defense; but the Legislature shall have power, by law, to regulate the wearing of arms with a view to prevent crime. -- 105 Tennessee General Assembly 0412 Firearms and Ammunition Increases punishment for first violation of offense of unlawful possession of weapon with intent to go armed to fine not to exceed $500 and raises punishment for second or subsequent violation of such offense from Class C to Class B misdemeanor. SB1419 -- 106 Tennessee General Assembly 0431 Handgun Permits As enacted, makes it an exception to the criminal offense "unlawful carrying or possession of a weapon" that a person who has a valid handgun carry permit is transporting a rifle or shotgun in or on a privately owned motor vehicle and the weapon does not have ammunition in the chamber; exception will also apply if the rifle or shotgun has ammunition in the chamber, which ammunition was inserted in the chamber for purposes of justifiable self defense. HB0390 -- 106 Tennessee General Assembly 0793 Firearms and Ammunition As enacted, allows person without handgun carry permit to transport rifle or shotgun in or on a privately-owned motor vehicle provided there is no ammunition in the chamber or cylinder and no loaded clip or magazine in the weapon or in close proximity to the weapon or any person. SB2390 --

Tennessee: Firearms Freedom Act Passes Both Houses

Today, the Tennessee State Senate approved Senate Bill 1610 (SB1610), the Tennesse Firearms Freedom Act, by a vote of 22-7.Â The House companion bill, HB1796 previously passed the House by a vote of 87-1. On its way to the Governor’s desk, the bill states that “federal laws and regulations do not apply to personal firearms, firearm accessories, or ammunition that is manufactured in Tennessee and remains in Tennessee. The limitation on federal law and regulation stated in this bill applies to a firearm, a firearm accessory, or ammunition that is manufactured using basic materials and that can be manufactured without the inclusion of any significant parts imported into this state.” The bill also states that “firearms accessories imported into Tennessee that are subject to federal regulation do not subject a firearm to federal regulation under interstate commerce simply because they are attached to or used in conjunction with a firearm in Tennessee.” â€œBe it the federal government mandating changes in order for states to receive federal funds or the federal government telling us how to regulate commerce contained completely within this state â€“ enough is enough,â€ urged Judiciary Chairman Mae Beavers. â€œOur founders fought too hard to ensure statesâ€™ sovereignty and I am sick and tired of activist federal officials and judges sticking their noses where they donâ€™t belong.â€ Read the Full Text of the Bill Below: AN ACT to amend Tennessee Code Annotated, Title 4, relative to exempting from regulation under the commerce clause of the Constitution of the United States a firearm, firearm accessory, or ammunition manufactured and retained in Tennessee. BE IT ENACTED BY THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF TENNESSEE: SECTION 1. Tennessee Code Annotated, Title 4, is amended by adding Sections 2 through 7 of this act as a new chapter thereto. SECTION 2. This chapter shall be known and may be cited as the “Tennessee Firearms Freedom Act”. SECTION 3. The general assembly declares that the authority for this act is the following: (1) The tenth amendment to the United States Constitution guarantees to the states and their people all powers not granted to the federal government elsewhere in the Constitution and reserves to the state and people of Tennessee certain powers as they were understood at the time that Tennessee was admitted to statehood. The guarantee of those powers is a matter of contract between the state and people of Tennessee and the United States as of the time that the compact with the United States was agreed upon and adopted by Tennessee and the United States; (2) The ninth amendment to the United States Constitution guarantees to the people rights not granted in the Constitution and reserves to the people of Tennessee certain rights as they were understood at the time that Tennessee was admitted to statehood. The guarantee of those rights is a matter of contract between the state and people of Tennessee and the United States as of the time that the compact with the United States was agreed upon and adopted by Tennessee and the United States. (3) The regulation of intrastate commerce is vested in the states under the ninth and tenth amendments to the United States Constitution, particularly if not expressly preempted by federal law. Congress has not expressly preempted state regulation of intrastate commerce pertaining to the manufacture on an intrastate basis of firearms, firearms accessories, and ammunition; (4) The second amendment to the United States Constitution reserves to the people the right to keep and bear arms as that right was understood at the time that Tennessee was admitted to statehood, and the guarantee of the right is a matter of contract between the state and people of Tennessee and the United States as of the time that the compact with the United States was agreed upon and adopted by Tennessee and the United States; and (5) The Tennessee Constitution clearly secures to Tennessee citizens, and prohibits government interference with, the right of individual Tennessee citizens to keep and bear arms. SECTION 4. As used in this chapter, unless the context otherwise requires: (1) “Firearms accessories” means items that are used in conjunction with or mounted upon a firearm but are not essential to the basic function of a firearm, including but not limited to telescopic or laser sights, magazines, flash or sound suppressors, folding or aftermarket stocks and grips, speedloaders, ammunition carriers, and lights for target illumination; (2) “Generic and insignificant parts” includes but is not limited to springs, screws, nuts, and pins; and (3) “Manufactured” means creating a firearm, a firearm accessory, or ammunition from basic materials for functional usefulness, including but not limited to forging, casting, machining, or other processes for working materials. SECTION 5. A personal firearm, a firearm accessory, or ammunition that is manufactured commercially or privately in Tennessee and that remains within the borders of Tennessee is not subject to federal law or federal regulation, including registration, under the authority of congress to regulate interstate commerce. It is declared by the legislature that those items have not traveled in interstate commerce. This section applies to a firearm, a firearm accessory, or ammunition that is manufactured in Tennessee from basic materials and that can be manufactured without the inclusion of any significant parts imported into this state. Generic and insignificant parts that have other manufacturing or consumer product applications are not firearms, firearms accessories, or ammunition, and their importation into Tennessee and incorporation into a firearm, a firearm accessory, or ammunition manufactured in Tennessee does not subject the firearm, firearm accessory, or ammunition to federal regulation. It is declared by the legislature that basic materials, such as unmachined steel and unshaped wood, are not firearms, firearms accessories, or ammunition and are not subject to congressional authority to regulate firearms, firearms accessories, and ammunition under interstate commerce as if they were actually firearms, firearms accessories, or ammunition. The authority of congress to regulate interstate commerce in basic materials does not include authority to regulate firearms, firearms accessories, and ammunition made in Tennessee from those materials. Firearms accessories that are imported into Tennessee from another state and that are subject to federal regulation as being in interstate commerce do not subject a firearm to federal regulation under interstate commerce because they are attached to or used in conjunction with a firearm in Tennessee. SECTION 6. Section 5 of this act shall not apply to: (1) A firearm that cannot be carried and used by one (1) person; (2) A firearm that has a bore diameter greater than one and one half (1 Â½) inches and that uses smokeless powder, not black powder, as a propellant; (3) Ammunition with a projectile that explodes using an explosion of chemical energy after the projectile leaves the firearm; or (4) A firearm that discharges two or more projectiles with one activation of the trigger or other firing device. SECTION 7. A firearm manufactured or sold in Tennessee under this chpater must have the words “Made in Tennessee” clearly stamped on a central metallic part, such as the receiver or frame. SECTION 8. This act shall take effect upon becoming a law, the public welfare requiring it -- 107 Tennessee General Assembly

SR0017 Firearms and Ammunition - Expresses the will and intention of the senate to resist any effort by the federal government to restrict or abolish rights that are guaranteed to the people by the Second Amendment to the United State Constitution. Signed by S. Speaker 04/05/2013 -- etc... (Whatever else shall be found) --

Benjamin Eugene Greer, Prince -                                                                                                Printed name and title --

Clan Ghriogair Air Fògradh
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Òran air a sgrìobhadh le: Gun Urra agus air a sheinn le: Sìm Seòras MacIllFhaolain. Facail an Òrain / Is mi suidhe an seo am ònar Air còmhnard an rathaid

Dh'fheuch am faic mi fear-fuadain Tighinn o Chruachan a' cheathaich

A bheir dhomh sgeul air Clann Ghriogair No fios cia an do ghabh iad.

Cha d' fhuair mi dan sgeulaibh Ach iad bhith 'n-dè air na Sraithibh.

Thall 's a bhos mu Loch Fìne, Masa fìor mo luchd-bratha;

Ann an Clachan an Dìseirt Ag òl fìon air na maithibh.

Bha Griogair Mòr Ruadh ann, Làmh chruaidh air chùl claidheimh,

Agus Griogair mòr meadhrach, Ceann-feadhna ar luchd-taighe.

Mhic an fhir à Srath h-Àrdail Bhiodh na bàird ort a' tathaich;

Is a bheireadh greis air a' chlàrsaich 'S air an tàileasg gu h-aighear;

'S a sheinneadh an fhidheall Chuireadh fioghair fo mhnathaibh.

'S ann a rinn sibh an t-sitheann anmoch Anns a' ghleann am bi an ceathach.

Dh'fhàg sibh an t-Eòin bòidheach Air a' mhòintich na laighe,

Na starsnaich air fèithe An dèidh a reubadh le claidheamh.

'S ann a thog sibh a' ghrèigh dhùbhghorm O Lùban na h-abhann.

Ann am Bothan na Dìge Ghabh sibh dìon air an rathad,

Far an d'fhàg sibh mo bhiodag Agus crios mo bhuilg-shaighead.

Gur i saighead na h-àraich Seo thàrmaich am leathar.

Chaidh saighead am shliasaid, Crann fiar air dhroch shnaidheadh.

Gun seachnadh Rìgh nan Dùl sibh O fhùdar caol neimhe,

O shradagan teine, O pheileir 's o shaighid,

O sgian na rinn caoile 'S o fhaobhar geur claidheimh.

Is ann bha a' bhuidheann gun chòmhradh Di-Dòmhnaich am bràigh bhaile

Is cha dèan mi gàir èibhinn An àm èirigh no laighe.

'S beag an t-iongnadh dhomh fhèin siud 'S mi bhith 'n dèidh mo luchd-taighe.

Clann Ghriogair

Tha dòrlach òrain ann, Griogal Cridhe agus 'Clann Ghriogair air Fògradh' nam measg, a tha co-cheangailte ris an t-strì a bha eadar Clann Ghriogair agus na Caimbeulaich as an t-siathamh agus as an t-seachdamh linn deug.

Bho dheireadh a' cheathramh linn deug bha dùthaich aig Clann Ghriogair ann an Gleann Sreith ach fo smachd nan Caimbeulach, Iarlan Earra-Ghàidheal.

Rè ùine, agus gu h-àraidh às dèidh 1432, ghabh iad fhèin agus Caimbeulaich Ghlinn Urchaidh sealbh air fearann ann an Siorrachd Pheairt agus gu h-àraidh ann am Bràghad Albainn.

Eadar 1513 agus 1550 lughdaich ùghdarras Caimbeulaich Ghlinn Urchaidh agus thàinig Clann Ghriogair fo smachd Iain Chaladair, Caimbeulach eile, 's dòcha cho tràth ri 1513, agus lean iad orra a' sgaoileadh an cumhachd cho fada ri Raineach.

Ann an 1550 ghabh Cailean Liath thairis mar cheann-cinnidh Caimbeulaich Ghlinn Urchaidh agus thòisich cumhachd a' chinnidh a' dol am meud mar a rinn e a-rithist fo cheannardas a mhic, Donnchadh Dubh.

B' e daoine cruaidh a bh' annta, nach fhuilingeadh càil a dhol nan aghaidh agus gu dearbha cha robh iad airson gum biodh buidheann làidir eile, leithid Clann Ghriogair, san tìr.

Ghabh Cailean Liath ceannardas a chinnidh san Iuchair 1550. Uaireigin goirid an dèidh sin, chaochail Iain Ruadh, ceann-cinnidh nan Griogarach. Bha a bhràthair, Griogair Ruadh, ro òg airson a dhol na àite agus ghabh Cailean Liath an cothrom smachd fhaighinn air Clann Ghriogair.

Nuair a thàinig Griogair Ruadh gu aois, faisg air deireadh 1562, gheall Cailean Liath Gleann Sreith dha, nan aontaicheadh e ri grunn bhacaidhean laghail a dh'fhàgadh e gun seasamh mar cheann-cinnidh, agus nam brathadh e dithis de chinneadh a bha air searbhant le Cailean Liath a mharbhadh. An iomadh dòigh cha robh roghainn aige ach sabaid.

Air oidhche 7 Dùbhlachd, 1562, le mu 26 de luchd-cinnidh còmhla ris, thug Griogair Ruadh ionnsaidh air taigh-òsta faisg air Coille Chneagaidh far an robh naoinear fhir, ochdnar dhiubh nan Caimbeulaich, a' gabhail tàmh na h-oidhche 's iad air an slighe dhachaidh bho fhèill am Peairt. Chuir na Griogaraich teine ris an taigh-òsta agus mharbh iad ochdnar de na fir.

Lean iad romhpa gu Srath Tatha far na chuir iad teine ri sabhal as an robh buidheann de Chaimbeulaich agus de Chlann 'ic Carmaig ri fasgadh. Thug iad na fir sin an grèim agus mharbh iad aon dhiubh an ceann ùine.

B' e seo toiseach strì fuilteach a mhair gu 1570 agus a dh'fhàg Griogaraich tric fon choill.

Seinneadairean / Sìm Seòras MacIllFhaolain Rugadh Sìm Seòras MacIllFhaolain ann am Meat Cove an Ceap Breatainn air 22 Dàmhair, 1890, agus chaochail e ann a Sydney air 16 Iuchar, 1974. ...

Fiosrachadh air Sìm Seòras MacIllFhaolain