User talk:Tineus

“A Bitter Pill to Swallow” Recollecting her experiences in the winter of 1921-22, Mabel B. Little, a survivor to the Tusla race riots, recalled, “Without any equipment, we moved them, (the debris) and built a little shack and we had to cook outdoors. I remember so well, the rain would come, we’d have to carry our food back in the house and then after the rain was over and go back a build a fire outside, of course you didn’t have gas and nothing to cook on. It was a bitter pill to swallow.”1 This testimony illustrates the pestilential aftermath of the worst single incident of racial violence in American history.2 Overnight, 35 blocks of the once prosperous Greenwood community were decimated, and the Williamses of Greenwood, “found the business district to be a burned-out shell.”3 (qtd in Ellsworth, 6) But, rather than remain in great dismay, the community rebuilt 40 blocks of destroyed residential and commercial districts were rebuilt despite the discouraging white community; the black community put the terror of mob violence behind it and accomplished balance and forgiveness for its abusers.4Through their major catastrophe, the Tulsa black community gained a much higher self-esteem and pride in themselves and their community.5 Black Tulsa discovered their potential influence and aptitude and realized, “…the color of the skin is in no ways connected with strength of the mind or intellectual powers…” (Benjamin Banneker) 6

From 1890-1921, Tulsa experienced a population explosion from the oil boom, and heavy immigration. In 1900, Tulsa’s Population was 1,390, but by 1921, the city’s population had skyrocketed to 98,874 according to the city directory.7 (federal census estimates are considerably lower) 8 In 1900, most Tulsa Blacks immigrated from Missouri, and they compromised 5% of city’s population. These Blacks worked as day laborers, servants, housewives, and there was a black lawyer, blacksmith, stonemason, and a full-time preacher. There were only 2 black churches; a number of black domestic workers “lived-in” with their white employers.9

In 1905, Blacks began to live along Greenwood Avenue when a group of black businessmen bought a strip of land in the area of Tulsa. In 1906, the Guide, the first Black newspaper in Tulsa, was edited by G.W. Hutchins.10 By 1910, 10% of Tulsa’s population was black, and the first Tulsa black trade union, the Hod Carriers Local No. 199, was established. Over the next few years, Tulsa’s first black police officer, Barney Cleaver, was hired, and Dreamland Theatre and other businesses developed along Greenwood Avenue.11 By 1921, the population of black Tulsans grew to 11,000; there were 2 black schools, 2 newspapers (now the Tulsa Star and the Oklahoma Sun), 2 black theaters and a black public library.12 Blacks weren’t wanted to patronize white business, but they could work at common labor, domestic, and service jobs.13 Mabel B. Little, a riot survivor, explained the growth of Greenwood by saying, “We had money, but we were not able to go and purchase things, so it helped us to go into business for our own selves, and that’s when the Black people began to build.”14 John Hope Franklin, also a riot survivor, noted, “In Tulsa, Oklahoma, we did have a little, separate enclave where blacks had some measure of financial, social, political independence, even some clout.” 15 The first 2 blocks of Greenwood, the heart of black Tulsa were called, “Deep Greenwood,” and 2-3 story buildings lined the avenue.16 Ironically, just adjacent to the bustling avenue’s fine businesses were prostitution houses, speakeasies, shanties, and houses made from crate wood.17 Although seemingly free, Greenwood was primarily under white influence and control. Whites owned a large portion of land in the district.18 Economically, black Tulsa depended on wages paid to black workers by white employers. Greenwood’s service business employed only a limited number of people. Scott Ellsworth, author of Death in a Promised Land, concluded, “Despite its visible solidity of brick, Greenwood rested upon an uncertain economic foundation reflecting ominous social and racial realities.”19

Beginning in 1917, a series of race riots broke out across the nation, ending with the Tulsa Race Riots. The common aspect was whites invaded black neighborhoods.20 James Homer Johnson remembered, “It was a hostile relationship between the white and black community and part of it was because the Ku Klux Klan was located in the area just west of where the primary black community was located…we had to pass by this to go to places of employment and to and from school.”21 The Klan was very strong in southwest and had a, “thriving chapter,” in Tulsa.22 Racism was regarded as a normal and everyday thing. One white writer wrote, “negroes have demonstrated throughout recorded time that they do not possess the potentiality of progress or initiative from within.”23 (qtd in Ellsworth, 20) A similar work regarded black Americans as, “ten million malignant cancer [which] gnaw the vitals of our body politic.” (qtd in Ellsworth, 20)

On Monday morning, May 30, 1921, 19-year old Dick Rowland got on an elevator operated by a white woman at the Drexel building to use the segregated restroom. Minutes later, Dick ran out of the elevator and fled. Many white Tulsans came to believe Rowland had attacked the girl.25 Dick was arrested the next day. Although its exact content is unknown, the Tribune claimed the girl was an orphan, cast the incident as a planned plot to rape her, and reported threats being made to lynch Dick.26 The Tribune issue came out at 3:15 PM, and just 45 minutes later talk began to circulate on the streets about a lynching. Adjutant General Charles Barrett, a commander of the National Guard, stated the riot was caused by the Drexel building incident, and in, “the fantastic write-up of the incident in a sensation-seeking newspaper.”27 Between 6:00 and 7:00 P.M., a crowd of 300 formed outside the courthouse where Dick was being held. The crowd later grew to 400 by 9:00.28 Sheriff McCullough stated that he ordered 3 white men out of the courthouse at 8:20 P.M. told them there was going to be no lynching. He went outside to the mob, and he weakly ordered the crowd to break up. He proceeded to barricade the top floor of the courthouse, the jail floor, with his men to protect Dick from the whites.29About 9:15, false reports reached Greenwood of the mob storming the courthouse. Twenty-five to thirty armed blacks then went to the courthouse but were turned back.30

Barrett ordered the Tulsa National Guard to help in any way they could. Governor Robertson was more prepared, and he ordered Major Byron Kirkpatrick, of the Tulsa National Guard to prepare a telegram, written to the governor, requesting Oklahoma National Guard units be sent to the city. Kirkpatrick acquired the signatures of Police Chief John Gustafson, Judge Valjean Biddison, and sheriff McCullough. By 3:00 A.M., June 1, orders reached Oklahoma City for the mobilization of troops.30 Barney Cleaver, a black police officer and 50-75 armed blacks went to the courthouse again, but they were turned back.32 While the black group was leaving, Robert Franklin said, “an old white man came up to Barry and said, ‘what you doing with that pistol.’ ‘I’m going to use if I need to.’ ‘Oh no, you give it to me.”33

The night before the riot was the pivotal moment of the incident, for it decided the outcome of the riot. Until 1:00 A.M., most Tulsans were preparing for the inevitable clash by fleeing or arming selves. Over a dozen stores were burglarized for arms and ammunition. By that time, the retreating blacks from the courthouse had reached Greenwood. At 1:00, the first fire broke out at Archer Street and Boston Avenue, but it blazed out of control because white rioters forced the fire department to return home after arriving. Occasionally, a car full of armed whites would race down a black neighborhood, shooting indiscriminately. Black Tulsans were outnumbered but they were in defensive positions in well-known ground. The most active fighting that night occurred along the Frisco Railroad tracks, located between First and Archer streets.34

Tulsa Police, and later the National Guard were very anti-black, in the way they attempted to disarm and whites soon concentrated on whole of black citizenry. The police deputized tens of whites, some of whom were part of the courthouse mob.35 The blacks were hampered by the fact that the police were nowhere to be found or disarming and interning black Tulsans.36 At first, most rioting was in the southernmost sections, which included the business district and poor neighborhoods. About 6:40 A.M, shanties along Archer Street, and one hour later, both sides of Archer from Boston to Elgin Streets were burning. Innumerable horrors and atrocities were performed by the blood lusting white rioters, but there also examples of courage and bravery. One elderly black woman sat in front her home, and she refused to leave when group of whites came. The group left, and her home was not destroyed.37 Dr. A. C. Jackson, an extremely skilled black surgeon was killed after he surrendered to a group of whites, who escorted him to be interned. An elderly black couple was murdered on the way home from church. A white woman was shot on the porch of her home at about 7:30 A.M.38 The newly built Mt. Zion Baptist Church was burned and looted.39 Many of black prisoners were taken to Convention Hall, McNulty [baseball] Park, and the fairgrounds. “Arrests” were made by National Guardsmen, temporary deputies, and unauthorized whites. Generally, the police’s actions played right into the hands of the black rioters, for this left black property undefended.40

At 9:15 A.M. Oklahoma National Guard troops arrived in Tulsa. Gunplay ended, and only looting continued.41 Governor Robertson declared martial law throughout city at 11:29 A.M.42 T he white rioters were disarmed by guardsmen, they were merely sent home. Sixty-five whites were arrested by the by the troops however.44 At the end of the riot, 6,000 blacks were imprisoned. Whites peacefully returned to their homes and enjoyed no discomforts.45 During the night, black Tulsa, “lay in ruin, a smoldering monument to crushed dreams.”46

Death and damage estimates vary greatly, from white views and black. Death estimates range from twenty-seven to 175 whites and black slain in the riot. The most accepted is that of 75 deaths. The confusion is due to that many blacks may have been dumped into the Arkansas River or buried in mass graves.47 In the Red Cross’s various surveys, the results reported that one week after the riot, some 5,366 persons had been,48 described by Loren L. Gill, “more or less seriously affected by the riot.”49 (qtd in Ellsworth, 70) The most common estimate for the value of real property lost was by the original estimate by the Tulsa Real Estate Exchange of $1.5 million.50 But, it also has been purported that by July 30, 1921, over 1,400 lawsuits were for losses over $4 million were reported.51 Red Cross records revealed that 1, 115 residences had been destroyed, and another 314 houses were only looted.52 The inflated damage in 1999 for the $1.5 million estimate is $14 million.53

The internment problem still loomed over blacks after the riots. James T. West, a teacher at the Booker T. Washington School, reported that “people were herded in like cattle” into Convention Hall and “the sick and wounded were dumped in front of the building and remained without attention for hours.” (qtd in Ellsworth, 71) Many blacks were moved from one area to another, until all prisoners had been moved to the fairgrounds. 54 At first, only black Tulsans employed by whites could leave, but later any white employer could vouch for a black if the employer identified the worker and promised to keep him indoors and working. By June 7th, there were only 450 interned, and eight days later, the fairgrounds were empty.55 While on the streets, blacks were forced to carry a green card reading, “Police Protection,” and the person’s name, address, and employer.56 Tulsa’s hustle and bustle continued on, and initial relief progress was made. On June 2 and 3, martial law was changed and terminated. Martial law’s termination did not end military occupation of the city. Tulsa National Guard left on June 4, but Battery “B” of the Tulsa 2nd Field Artillery remained in city “in readiness.”57 Highways leading into city were guarded by American Legion members in fear of black retaliatory attack. Charity by Tulsa’s white citizenry was limited to first few days after the riot. On early June 1, white citizens, church groups, and Salvation Army, “brought in coffee and sandwiches for the men on duty and prisoners and refugees.” (qtd in Ellsworth, 79) Local white “relief” was also demonstrated by the donation of fifty pieces of luggage from a Tulsa trunk company to homeless black Tulsans.59