Anti-Igbo sentiment



Anti-Igbo sentiment (also known as Igbophobia) encompasses a range of negative attitudes and feelings towards the Igbo people. The Igbo people make up all of south-eastern Nigeria and a part of South-South and Middle Belt Nigeria's geopolitical zones. Igbophobia is observable in critical and hostile behaviour such as political and religious discrimination and violence towards the Igbo.

Pre-civil war sentiments
The emergence of Anti-Igbo sentiment was catalyzed by the introduction of Western education. During the early stages of British colonialism, the Yoruba ethnic group became the first to be introduced to Western education, followed closely by the Igbo people. In contrast, the Northern authorities resisted the efforts of colonial masters/Christian missionaries to educate their populace, leading to a significant deficit in educational opportunities. Consequently, this hindered their access to employment in the evolving colonial Nigeria, where Western education was a prerequisite for positions in industrial, commercial, and governmental sectors controlled by the British. Despite being the second-largest ethnic group to embrace Western education, the Igbo people swiftly embraced its benefits, leveraging it as a means to ascend the social hierarchy. This proactive engagement provided them with avenues for employment in colonial Nigeria, leading to their dominance in critical sectors such as the military, clerical roles, and other skilled or semi-skilled positions within the postal services, banking institutions, and railway services, particularly in regions like northern Nigeria, where local populations lacked the educational qualifications to fulfill the demand for skilled labor. As a result, the Igbo people increasingly came to be perceived as a disproportionately-favored ethnic group with affluence and multi-regionalistic opportunities due to the employment of the Igbo within colonial Nigeria by the colonial authorities and their prominence in the public sector. This situation aroused the ire of others toward the Igbo. The Igbo people's widespread travel throughout the country, which facilitated their success in business and commerce, also fueled anti-Igbo sentiments in southern Cameroon. This animosity contributed as a very minor reason to southern Cameroon's decision to merge with Cameroon. The local southern Cameroonian population felt competitive pressure from mostly southern Nigerian immigrants, especially the Igbos, whose perseverance and skill in trade, along with their overt celebration of success, sparked jealousy. Cameroonian politicians amplified the ethnic stereotypes by spreading baseless rumors which caused divisions. While other rivalries existed, anti-Igbo sentiments were notably evident in the elections of 1954, 1957, and 1959, driven by dissatisfaction with connections to Nigeria partly as a result of anti-Igbo sentiments fueled by politicians. While it is worth noting that igbophobia may have exerted certain influence on southern Cameroon's choice to join Cameroon, the animosity toward Igbos appeared not to have been a significant issue. This is seen in how, during the Bamiléké rebellion in Cameroon, Igbos assisted the rebels by providing care and supplies at the border. "'When the Bamiléké rebellion broke out in Cameroon, it was the Igbo officials who collected the rebels at the border to treat them and supply them...'" Anti-Igbo sentiments were exacerbated by the 1966 Nigerian coup d'état, which was seen as an eastern Igbo-led coup that resulted in the deaths of several prominent Nigerian political figures, including Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Premier of the Northern Region Sir Ahmadu Bello, Premier of the Western Region Samuel Akintola, and several military officers. This event resulted in a counter-coup which Northerners primarily led. It was followed by the massacre of thousands of Igbos in pogroms which occurred in the Northern region, an event which drove millions of Igbos back to their homeland in Eastern Nigeria; ethnic relations rapidly deteriorated, and a separate republic of Biafra was declared in 1967, leading to the Biafran War.

Anti-Igbo pogrom
The 1966 anti-Igbo pogrom was a series of massacres that were directed at Igbo and other people of southern Nigerian origin who were living in northern Nigeria. The massacres started in May 1966, and they reached a peak in September 1966. During this period, Igbo civilians were murdered throughout northern Nigeria by northern soldiers and civilians who sought revenge for the 1966 Nigerian coup d'état, which was carried out by six Majors and three Captains of Igbo extraction and resulted in the deaths of 11 Nigerian politicians and army officers of Hausa, Fula, Itsekiri and Yoruba origin. These events led to the Nigerian countercoup, and they eventually led to the secession of the eastern Nigerian region and the declaration of the Republic of Biafra, which ultimately led to the Nigeria-Biafra war. The 1966 massacres of southern Nigerians have been described as a holocaust by some authors, and they have variously been described as riots, pogroms or genocide.

The coup and the focal point of hatred

The frequent theme of hatred and the lack of trust towards the Igbos by certain people in Nigeria has parts of its origins in the January 1966 coup d'état, led by a majority Igbo military, under the command of officers (Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and Emmanuel Ifeajuna). The coup killed many prominent Hausa-Fulani and Yoruba leaders, including the Prime Minister, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the Northern Region Premier, Ahmadu Bello, and the Western Region Premier, Ladoke Akintola. The coup also resulted in the killing of the most senior Hausa-Fulani and Yoruba military leaders, including Brig. Samuel Ademulegun, Brig. Zakariya Maimalari, Col. Ralph Shodeinde, Col. Kur Mohammed, Lt. Col. Abogo Largema, and Lt. Col. James Pam. Though the coup might have originally been a plan to put Awolowo (a Yoruba) in power, people from different ethnic groups especially the northern people viewed this as an Igbo attempt to take control of Nigeria. The violence and ethnic cleansing that followed was seen as justified in retaliation for the coup which, when accomplished, would eliminate the perceived Igbo influence.

It is notable that Adewale Ademoyega, a Yoruba army major and one of the five revolutionary Nigerian Army Majors who spearheaded the 1966 coup, asserted that the coup's motives were primarily national and idealistic, focused on redirecting the country's course rather than being ethnically motivated. During the coup, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria's ceremonial President, was abroad on an official trip to the Caribbean region, thus absent during the events of January 15, 1966. His absence held significant ramifications for Nigeria's political landscape and response to the unfolding events. However, this absence of Igbo casualties fueled further resentment toward the Igbo people. The coup triggered widespread anger and animosity, particularly in the northern region, where it was perceived as an Igbo-led endeavor to assert dominance over the nation. These sentiments ultimately fueled the violence that ensued in the aftermath of the coup.

The violence that followed the January 1966 coup led to the outbreak of the Nigerian Civil War in 1967. The war lasted for three years after which the Biafria region was rejoined into the federation. The Hausa-Fulani and Yoruba-led Nigerian governments regained control of the country, but the conflict left a legacy of bitterness and resentment (often either for Nigeria by Igbos or against Igbos by non-Igbos) that continues on to this day.

Nigerian Civil War


The Republic of Biafra was a secessionist state in eastern Nigeria that existed from 30 May 1967 to January 1970. It took its name from the Bight of Biafra, the Atlantic bay to its south. The inhabitants were mostly the Igbo people who led the secession due to economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions among the various peoples of Nigeria. Other ethnic groups that constituted the republic were the Efik, Ibibio, Annang, Ejagham, Eket, Ibeno and the Ijaw, among others.

Anti-Igbo sentiments also proliferated during the Nigerian Civil War with an almost intentional extermination of Igbos during the war. Talks of killing the Igbos were common: a Lagos policeman was quoted in the New York Review on 21 December 1967, stating that "The Igbo must be considerably reduced in number". The Nigerian federal government also announced the authorization of identity cards on people who have Igbo origin: "They were to carry their identity cards on their persons whenever they were outside their homes. The announcement led to a rumor that the Nigerian government, through that medium, intended to find out the exact population of the Igbo in Lagos, with the plan of eventually exterminating them. Every Igbo man and woman was issued with an identity card." Ethnic profiling was also used in finding out who was Igbo in order for them to be killed. In Lagos for example public and private buses were often stopped and searched with passengers in a queue with the intention of collecting names and ethnic origins of the passengers. Any Igbo or persons suspected of being Igbo found in buses were executed. This was the case for the Igbos who were publicly executed in Tinubu Square in June 1968.

Because of the maltreatment and brutality Igbos faced Igbo people had to devise different ways of survival. Igbo women in Lagos for example dropped their double wrapper attire which they often wore and adopted the Yoruba attire (iro and buba). Igbos also stopped having conversations in public in Igbo and Igbos who could speak other languages identified as other ethnic groups to escape death or brutality. During this time businesses that advertised their products on billboards also made sure to take out Igbo-sounding names. Many Igbo individuals during the war changed their names for survival, such as actress Stella Damasus. In a 2021 interview with Ebuka Obi-Uchendu, Stella whose surname "Damasus" often sparks discussions and internet memes, highlighted that her family felt compelled to change their Igbo name to safeguard against potential harm or violence.

Igbo traditional rulers in Delta state would also claim not to be Igbo to avoid the killing of their people, claiming to be Bini to the federal troops, though this did not stop the troops from killing their people. Igbos who found themselves remaining in Nigeria during the war faced torment and brutality from police, soldiers and civilians who were most often neighbors and friends, but were often used by the Nigerian government as a token to showcase and prove that Igbos were welcomed in Nigeria. Although Igbos faced hateful sentiments and brutality because of their identity, the severity rose and fell depending on how the war was going. The severity also rose at the mere suspicion of military advancements by the Biafrian military.

During the war, Anioma people and other Igbos who remained in Benin faced what can be described as genocide. Before the federal army arrived in Benin City, the Urhobo/Isoko people attacked their Anioma/Ika neighbors. Law enforcement did not help the people who were being hunted. In some cases, the Anioma/Ika people were not entirely killed off, instead being reserved by the Urhobo/Isoko rioters for the federal soldiers. Workers of Igbo origins who were not aware of the situation in the outskirts of Benin City were stoned or clubbed to death by the local youths of Edo and Urhobo/Isoko origin. Some Igbos who ran away were thrown into the river Ikpoba by rioters who intercepted them as they made their escape.

When the federal soldiers arrived in Benin, it was celebrated with chaos and violence. The crowds, with the army's help, went to institutions such as NIFOR, hospitals, and prisons within the city, killing the Igbo people there. Place of origin within Igboland, gender, and occupation (senior doctors were among those killed in the hospitals) were not considered during this rampage, as anyone of Igbo origins was robbed, assaulted, or killed. This prerogative aimed to wipe out Anioma/Ika people and other Igbos. Many who were killed believed that their good relationships with their non-Igbo friends would protect them. In Lagos, the Igbos recounted one of their greatest discomforts stemmed from taunting by Yoruba individuals, urging them to leave Lagos and return to Igboland. It was during this period that the Igbo word "Okoro" became derogatory. Yoruba individuals would publicly address an Igbo acquaintance using the term "Okoro", an Igbo name meaning "young man", especially within earshot of authorities. Such provocations often led to brutality towards the Igbo individual being addressed. For example, Mr. Nzeribe, the late husband to Flora Nwapa was a victim of this, enduring physical assault and imprisonment due to his Igbo identity during this period.

Outside Nigeria
In August 2019, a Yoruba supremacist and secessionist who immigrated to the United Kingdom from Nigeria was arrested by British police for making YouTube videos that contained violent hate speech towards the Igbo people. In March 2022, he was sentenced to four and a half years in prison on eight counts of inciting racial hatred.

Anti-Igbo Sentiments on the internet
Igbophobia on the Internet manifests as a form of prejudice and discriminatory rhetoric targeting individuals of Igbo descent, often characterized by hateful speeches, stereotypes, and attitudes. This prejudice can surface in various ways, from derogatory comments, social media posts, Internet memes, and other hateful images that seek the marginalization of Igbo culture and people. Anti-Igbo sentiments can be seen on different social media platforms and forums such as Nairaland, Twitter, Facebook, news articles, and blogs.

On March 16, 2023, a professor named Rasheed Ojikutu published an opinion piece in The Guardian Nigeria News. In the article, Ojikutu contended that Lagos belongs to the Yoruba people, rather than being a "no man's land." The phrase "Lagos is a no man's land" sparked heated debates regarding the city's identity. Some, often of Igbo descent, interpreted the phrase as celebrating the area's diversity, while others, often Yoruba, viewed it as an erasure of indigenous heritage. While arguing against Lagos being labeled a no man's land, although subtle, Ojikutu inadvertently perpetuated a stereotype that the Igbos lack an older, substantial historical legacy of civilization.

During the 2023 general and gubernatorial election period, a surge in anti-Igbo sentiment surfaced on social media. Given Nigeria's historical ethnic complexities, political circles often harbor such sentiments. However, what distinguished this election cycle was the use of Igbophobia in a campaign advertisement on Nairaland, an online platform. Netizens strongly opposed this act, prompting calls for the ad's removal due to its potential and dangerous risk to people's lives. Eventually, the ad was taken down, and the site's founder Seun Osewa issued an apology. Nonetheless, some social media users remained skeptical, questioning the timing and sincerity of Osewa's apology, given the recurring acceptance of ethnic bigotry on Nairaland.

Igbophobia and APC
Following the transition of power from the PDP-led rule to APC in Nigeria in 2015, noticeable cases of Igbophobia emerged within the Nigerian government. While instances of institutional discrimination against Igbos were already observable in employment and housing opportunities, discrimination against Igbos took on a more systemic nature under the APC's governance.

Since the APC political party assumed leadership, there has been increased discrimination and dissemination of hateful rhetoric by government officials, prompting discussions about biases and Igbophobia within the APC-led Nigerian government. Allegations of marginalization and inadequate representation of the Igbo people in political and decision-making roles have amplified concerns about potential bias or discriminatory practices within the administration.

End SARS movement
The End SARS movement, while mainly being a movement to call to end of police brutality in Nigeria, was used as an opportunity by some to spread anti-Igbo sentiments.

It was discovered that some Igbo people were involved in the violent aftermath of the Lekki massacre, coupled with a broadcast by Ipob, a separatist organization strongly associated with Igbos, inciting violence against the Yoruba. Igbo people were therefore blamed for the violence that occurred during End SARS. People who spread this theory often did not differentiate between Ipob the organization and the Igbo people, citing this incident as a reason to exclude Igbo people from government positions during the 2023 Nigerian general/gubernatorial elections.

Anti-Igbo sentiments in Nigerian general and gubernatorial elections
2015 elections

Leading up to the 2015 Lagos gubernatorial elections, the Oba of Lagos stated that Igbos who do not vote for Akinwunmi Ambode will perish in the lagoon within seven days. In response to the recording circulating, numerous Nollywood actors, politicians, commentators, and celebrities spoke out. Don Jazzy, a popular music mogul, was challenged by a fan over the statement. He went on to state "I am a Nigerian first and an Igbo man second...As a wise/civilized/respectful Igbo man, I will not desecrate the stool of royalty, even tho [sic] I totally frown at that recording. But I will tell you for free that we all have the freedom to choose whom to vote for & no one can force you or me to vote as he/she pleases."

2019 elections

Anti-Igbo sentiment was also present in the 2019 gubernatorial elections. Senator Oluremi Tinubu, wife of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, said "We will invoke all the deities of Lagos to chase Igbo people out. Igbos who refuse to learn our language. Igbos who didn't marry Yoruba, we will inherit them."

Jimi Agbaje, who has no relation to Igbo people and does not speak Igbo, was accused of being Igbo. Correspondingly, anti-Igbo sentiment was used against him during the election cycle. The name "Jimichukwu" was used to mock him in an ethnically charged manner. The name is a blending of Jimi's name and the Igbo word "Chukwu", which is often used in Igbo names. This word which was used in indicating that Agbaje is not a true Yoruba, but a foreigner, and as such should not be a governor in the west.

2023 elections

Peter Obi's emergence as the Labour party candidate prompted Igbo-phobic sentiments and hatred against the Igbo people. During his campaign, various individuals took turns targeting Obi and the Igbo community at large with antagonistic remarks. Even after several interviews and debates, which was uncommon for popular presidential candidates in recent years, his candidacy was at times dismissed as Igbo people yearning for an Igbo presidency.

As a result of Obi's candidacy, Singer Brymo made hateful comments against the Igbo people, insinuating that the Igbo people are not ready for the presidency and that Peter Obi should stick to organizing the eastern region from which he came. Following this comment, he released another Igbophobic comment while replying to a now-deleted tweet saying "Fuck The Ndi Igbo !!". This prompted an online petition on change.org to the All Africa Music Awards against his nomination for Song Writer of the Year. He released an apology, but continued to leave similar comments on his social media accounts. These comments by Brymo were supported by ethnic nationalists and supporters of the APC. After the conclusion of the election, Brymo rescinded his apology in a tweet. Anti-Igbo sentiments during the 2023 Nigerian elections were seen through the disenfranchisement of Igbo people during the PVC collections and an alleged bigoted statement against Igbo people by the State Resident Electoral Commissioner, Olusegun Agbaje. The violence stretched into the reoccurring burning and attacks of Igbo businesses in Lagos during elections through blockades and threats against Igbo people attempting to access the businesses they owned.

In the weeks leading up to the 2023 gubernatorial elections, candidate Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour who is part Yoruba (from his father's side) and part Igbo (from his mother's side) had anti-Igbo attacks directed at him. Though having two ethnic backgrounds he was repeatedly questioned based on his Igbo ancestry and his wife's Igbo identity. These attacks extended to the broader Igbo community in Lagos, with ethnic nationalists questioning the legitimacy of any Igbo seeking political authority in Yorubaland. Three days before the election APC loyalist MC Oluomo made threats against Igbo People, telling Igbos to stay home if they would not vote for APC candidates. Labour party supporters called on the Nigerian government to apprehend MC Oluomo for voter intimidation while APC supporters and ethnic nationalists spoke out in his favor. In response to public pressure, the Nigerian police called the comment "a joke", downplaying the threats.

On the day of the election, Igbo people, and non-Igbo people who were presumed to be Igbo, were threatened and beaten to prevent them from voting.

"I was told to go back to Anambra! How does Bolarinwa sound like an Igbo name? I was rough handled, beaten and sent out because I look Igbo? Because I was not going to vote APC?..."

Sisi Yemmie a popular Nigerian YouTuber and her husband both of Yoruba ethnic origin were also a victim of this ethnic profiling as they were prevented from voting as a result of their appearance which was deemed igbo. During the presidential elections, the Igbos at their polling unit were also told not to vote at all. On the day of the governorship election, they attacked Igbos here, threatening us if we come out to vote that they would kill us. One man was stabbed during the fight that happened on that day.

Three days ago, we heard the man died and the hoodlums caused trouble by attacking anyone they saw on the road, especially when you are not Yoruba. Anti-Igbo sentiment was present in comments and advertisements across social media platforms during this gubernatorial election. The next day, Igbos were attacked at Abule ado in Lagos state.

Justifications for Hatred
Individuals propagating these hateful sentiments in the 2023 elections offer various reasons behind their hatred towards the Igbo people. The justification varies, but includes:

During the election period, this controversial statement ignited debates over the identity of Lagos itself. The phrase is originally attributed to Jaja Wachuku in 1947. Wachuku believed that since Lagos was then the Federal Capital Territory, it belonged to all Nigerians. He emphasized Lagos' role as a shared space for citizens from diverse backgrounds. Lateef Jakande later used the phrase in his inaugural address as governor in 1979.
 * "Lagos is no man's land"

During the 2023 election, some individuals used this phrase to justify hate against Igbos. Certain individuals, including media personalities, rallied behind this phrase, alleging that the Igbo were attempting to assert dominance over Lagos and Nigeria through the 2023 elections. However, this belief is a conspiracy theory.

Following the 2023 elections Mudashiru Obasa, the Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, emphasized the need for laws to safeguard the interests of Lagos indigines. Obasa, who was re-elected as a speaker for a third consecutive term, stated that Lagos is Yoruba land and "[t]herefore, part of our legislative agenda is to ensure the translation of laws passed by this House to the Yoruba language.  The legislative agenda also included new property and business laws which favour indigenes of the states.

Despite not being widely employed by Igbo individuals as a rallying cry during the elections, the extensive dissemination of the phrase, which was used as purported evidence of Igbo domination in Lagos, prompted various prominent Igbo figures and Igbo cultural organizations to publicly disavow it. However, their efforts did little to alter the perception of Igbo people.

People who justify the attacks on Igbos during the elections also often try to link the political movement (Obi-dient movement) for the Labour Party candidate Peter Obi to IPOB. There emerged a prevailing belief among individuals propagating anti-Igbo sentiments within both ruling and opposition parties that Peter Obi, by virtue of his ethnicity, was deliberately avoiding reference to IPOB. Certain users on social media platforms urged the Labour Party candidate to address IPOB-related matters with some critics even going as far as to classify him as a biafran agitator and not a loyal candidate for the Nigerian presidential sit. Interestingly, these critics often overlooked the Nigerian government's responsibility for addressing concerns in the country, instead directing their inquiries solely at Peter Obi for commentary on IPOB activities. Although IPOB has denied any links between their organization and Peter Obi, critics still accuse them of working together. Notably, other prominent presidential contenders, such as Bola Tinubu and Atiku Abubakar, hailing from diverse regions with secessionist groups, were not subjected to similar demands to account for the actions of secessionist groups from their respective regions. Aside from the associations with the IPOB, other justifications against Igbo people includes the narrative that the Obidient movement is an Igbo-driven initiative, with non-Igbo supporters being urged to disassociate themselves. Responding to these frequent accusations, Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party, emphasized that "... the movement is not about my tribe or my religion, and it is not an Igbo agenda or in any way, to Christianize Nigeria. No one should ascribe ethnic or religious colouration to the OBIdient Movement. Nigeria is one and my ambition is to become the President of a United and Indivisible Nigeria."
 * Obident movement as IPOB agenda.

After-effects and the aftermath of the 2023 elections
The aftermath of the 2023 elections worsened ethnic relations and Igbo inter-ethnic relations within the country:"Also recounting her experience, Ijeoma Uba, a nurse who resides in Ikotun, Alimosho Local Government Area, said the outcome of the general election had led to division between Igbos and some individuals in the locality, stressing that she now closes early from her shop because of fear of attack."There was no effort to improve ethnic relations and there were no repercussions by the Nigerian government on most people who expressed hateful sentiments which pushed the attacks and discriminations that Igbos faced during the elections. The aftermath of the 2023 elections resulted in the reclusiveness of different ethnic groups that were heavily involved in the elections. The Igbos called on their fellow Igbo men and women to move their properties to the east these calls persisted throughout the aftermath and came mostly after the destruction of properties that they owned in Lagos. The Yorubas on the other hand through the Lagos government now publish information in the Yoruba language on its social media this act received pushback from people on social media who claimed that Lagos is a diverse and a cosmopolitan part of Nigeria as a result should consider others who live in it. There were also Yoruba cultural groups who called on companies that have locations within the southwestern part of the country to allocate 90% of their job opportunities to Yoruba people.