Foreign relations of Mali

Following independence in 1960, Mali initially followed a socialist path and was aligned ideologically with the communist bloc. Mali's foreign policy orientation became increasingly pragmatic and pro-Western over time. Since the institution of a democratic form of government in 1992, Mali's relations with the West in general and the United States in particular have improved significantly. U.S.-Malian relations are described by the U.S. Department of State as "excellent and expanding," especially given Mali's recent record of democratic stability in the volatile area of West Africa and its avowed support of the war on terrorism. Mali is reported to be one of the largest recipients of U.S. aid in Africa.

Mali is active in regional organizations such as the African Union (AU). Working to control and resolve regional conflicts, such as in Ivory Coast, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, is one of Mali's major foreign policy goals. Mali feels threatened by the potential for the spillover of conflicts in neighboring states, and relations with those neighbors are often uneasy. General insecurity along borders in the north, including cross-border banditry and terrorism, remain troubling issues in regional regions.

Although Azawad, a region spanning the expansive north of Mali, was proclaimed independent in April 2012 by Tuareg rebels, Mali has not recognised the de facto state. Britain has closed its embassy; ECOWAS has declared an embargo against Mali, aiming to squeeze out Malian oil supplies; closed Mali's assets in the ECOWAS regional bank and has prepared a potential intervention force of 3,000 troops. France has declared it will assist in a potential intervention.

Multilateral membership
Mali is a member of the United Nations (and many of its specialized agencies), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Labour Organization (ILO), the International Telecommunication Union (ITU), the Universal Postal Union (UPU) and the International Criminal Court (ICC). It also belongs to the Organisation of African Unity (OAU); Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC); Non-Aligned Movement (NAM); an associate member of the European Community (EC); and African Development Bank (ADB).

Mali is active in regional organizations. It participates in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the West African Economic Monetary Union (UEMOA) for regional economic integration; Liptako–Gourma Authority, which seeks to develop the contiguous areas of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso; the Niger River Commission; the Permanent Interstate Committee for drought control in the Sahel (CILSS); and the Senegal River Valley Development Organization (OMVS).

Historically, Mali has used these organizations to leverage the promotion of regional peacekeeping efforts. One of the largest issues facing the country is security threats from extremist groups and consequential political unrest. One of the most prominent examples of this is Mali's former membership the G5 Sahel with the fellow member states Burkina Faso (formerly), Chad, Mauritania, and Niger (formerly). The Sahel was originally formed on 16 February 2014, with the main objective of encouraging security and development. This partnership is historically significant due to the group's shared colonizer, France. In its first year of existence, the organization formed a legal framework for strategic intervention and a secretariat located in Nouakchott, Mauritania. The framework was titled the Development and Security Strategy (SDS). In 2017, the G5 Sahel Joint Force was created and funded through the Priority Investment Program (PIP), aiming to reduce violence and create more stability in the region. In a December 2018 coordination conference, $2.6 billion was pledged from foreign nations including the United States, European Union, Saudi Arabia, and China. American and French financial support is suspected to be, in part, a result of their consequentially lowered troop commitment in the region. This military collective targets organized crime and religious extremists specifically with cross-border operations. In addition to military-centered approaches, Mali and Niger have implemented Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration, or DDR, programs while Mauritania and Burkina Faso have not. DDR is an approach that removes weapons, breaks up crime organizations, and reintegrates combatants into civilian life or state-sanctioned armed forces. Although more costly and time-intensive, DDR has proven to be more sustainable than other stabilization approaches over time. The G5 Sahel has been weakening in the most recent years, with many forces from the European Union pulling their troops to concentrate their efforts on the ongoing Ukrainian conflict. However, to compensate, the Sahel member states have reported on plans to expand the size of their force from six to fourteen battalions. Biannual reports from the Sahel have revealed that the efforts have become increasingly dire with high humanitarian needs and large terrorist activity with large resource and land occupation. This eventually lead to its withdrawal on 15 May 2022.

As seen with the G5-Sahel, Mali has not been a particularly active or compliant member of these organizations as a result of their ongoing political unrest. Despite some early successful peacekeeping initiatives by ECOWAS and the AU, their most recent joint policies are facing challenges of limited institutional capacity, low enforcement, and inexplicit language surrounding its implementation. ECOWAS was originally founded to promote economic development across its 15 West African member states, but also works to promote political institutions and stability. Recently, it promised to end the unconstitutional takeover of political power in member states, but Mali has since developed new policies to distance themselves from the organization and limit its reach.

The UN has also attempted many peacekeeping missions focusing on political unrest, economic objectives, and women's rights throughout Mali's history. The most notable effort began with the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) in 2013. In 2022, Mali restricted United Nations peacekeeping operations through their security council and, in June 2023, asked for them to be removed. Although this program is being dissolved, some UN presence will remain in Mali. This effort kept about 15,000 soldiers and police personnel in Mali throughout the project's decade, but has recently been threatened by nearby territorial conflicts. It is also rumored that this removal may be the result of some strategic differences. Since the AU's creation in 2002, there have been some difficulties aligning it with the UN. Generally, the AU prioritizes short-term solutions over long-term, which is opposite to the UN. This disagreement has contributed to arguments about jurisdiction and the correct approach to security efforts.

Diplomatic relations
List of countries which Mali maintains diplomatic relations with: