ISI activities in Pakistan

The Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), Pakistan's biggest intelligence agency, faced accusations of extensive involvement in meddling with domestic politics within the country. It has been described as a "state within a state" and works as a secret police of Pakistan. Critics of the ISI assert that the ISI is accountable to neither the leadership of Pakistan Army nor the country's President or the Prime Minister.

In the 2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices issued by the United States Department of State, it was highlighted that the ISI is engaged in the monitoring of politicians, political activists, suspected terrorists, NGOs, employees of foreign entities, and media professionals. ISI was reported to routinely conduct wiretaps, monitor phone calls, intercept electronic correspondence, and open mail without court approval.

Killings and abductions of journalists
For many years, the ISI remained unmentionable and immune to public criticism. The media often alluded to it as the "agencies," the "establishment," or more discreetly as "the angels." Amnesty International's research indicated that journalists accused the ISI of engaging in harassment, intimidation, or abuse against them or their colleagues. Amnesty International reported that journalists faced heightened risks when uncovering security deficiencies within the military or its purported connections to proscribed organizations like the Taliban. Similarly, stories regarding alleged abuses by military engaged in counterinsurgency operations against separatist factions in Balochistan are also regarded as highly sensitive.

In 2011, Saleem Shahzad was found dead in a canal with indications of torture, one day after he was reported missing. Human Rights Watch implicated ISI in his death, while the Central Intelligence Agency subsequently also declared having "reliable and conclusive" intelligence pointing to ISI's involvement.

In 2014, Hamid Mir sustained injuries in a targeted attack in Karachi, with him attributing responsibility for the incident to the ISI. Mir asserted that the ISI took umbrage at his television program, Capital Talk, aired on Geo News. The show had criticized ISI methods employed against separatists in Balochistan province, where allegations of military involvement in the abduction and unlawful detention of individuals are prevalent.

In 2022, Arshad Sharif, who faced charges of sedition and left the country following criticism of the military, was killed in Kenya. Subsequently, Sharif's mother publicly accused several high-ranking officials of the ISI, including its Director General Nadeem Anjum, of being involved in her son's death, alleging that he had been threatened by the agency after Sharif implicated ISI's involvement in Imran Khan's removal. Imran Khan also held the ISI officials responsible for the killing of Arshad Sharif. According to media reports, there have been allegations of a link between the ISI and Kenyan intelligence agencies, purportedly connected to the death of Arshad Sharif in Kenya.

Kiran Nazish, in an article for Vox, highlighted the perceived autonomy of the ISI within the Pakistani government structure. She asserted that the intelligence agencies wield significant influence, to the extent that law enforcement, including the police, refrain from intervening in their affairs. Nazish recounted conversations with police officers who expressed reluctance to document abduction cases involving the ISI. She further argued that the ISI has historically employed abductions as a means of silencing dissent and deterring individuals from challenging their authority.

In May 2024, following the disappearance of Kashmiri poet and journalist Ahmed Farhad Shah, the ISI was accused of involvement. Consequently, the Islamabad High Court (IHC) directed the Islamabad Police to record statements from the DG ISI and ISI sector commander for Islamabad regarding Shah's alleged enforced disappearance. During the hearing of a petition, Justice Mohsin Akhtar Kayani of the Islamabad High Court (IHC) also reminded the ISI sector commanders to remain in their appropriate limits.

Judicial interference
In June 2015, the ISI acknowledged to the Supreme Court that it had conducted unauthorized telephone surveillance on approximately 7,000 lines throughout Pakistan in May 2015 alone. This disclosure came during a hearing related to a suo motu case, originally initiated by former Chief Justice Syed Sajjad Ali Shah in 1996. Chief Justice Shah had discovered surveillance devices attached to his telephone, leading to the suo motu case.

In 2018, Shaukat Aziz Siddiqui, a judge serving in the Islamabad High Court (IHC), accused the ISI of orchestrating a coup against the third government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif by exerting pressure on the court, which subsequently convicted and sentenced Nawaz Sharif. Subsequently, Justice Siddiqui was ousted from his position as a Justice of the IHC based on recommendations from the Supreme Judicial Council of Pakistan. In March 2024, the Supreme Court declared that the dismissal of Justice Siddiqui was "unlawful."

In March 2024, six serving judges of the IHC, wrote a letter to the Supreme Judicial Council, alleging interference by the ISI in judicial matters. They cited instances of pressure on judges through the abduction and torture of their relatives, as well as secret surveillance within their residences. The letter, authored by six judges: Mohsin Akhtar Kayani (senior puisne judge), Tariq Mehmood Jahangiri, Babar Sattar, Sardar Ejaz Ishaq Khan, Arbab Muhammad Tahir and Saman Rafat Imtiaz, questioned the existence of a state policy aimed at intimidating and coercing judges. Justice Siddiqui also remarked that the complaint lodged by the six judges served as validation for him and noted that when he raised similar concerns in 2018, he was isolated.

The tension between judiciary and ISI escalated in May 2024 when the IHC summoned a serving ISI sector commander deployed in Islamabad. It was noted that historically, courts typically refrained from summoning active military officers.

In June 2024, Muhammad Abbas, a judge from the anti-terrorism court in Sargodha alleged that he and his family members faced harassment and threats by ISI officers since he assumed the office. Abbas, who was noted for his good reputation and recognized as an honest and hardworking judge by the Chief Justice of Lahore High Court Malik Shehzad Ahmed Khan, said that a message was sent to him on his first day in his office, that some ISI officers wanted to meet him in his chamber to which he refused. Following which, some unknown individuals damaged the gas meter outside his house and he also mentioned receiving an unusually large electricity bill which he believed was fabricated and possibly issued with the involvement of ISI officers. As per reports, Abbas had been hearing cases related to the Leader of the Opposition Omar Ayub Khan and supporters of PTI who were implicated in May 9 riots and ISI officers were harassing him and his family members to get desired verdicts.. The same month, the Chief Justice of LHC Malik Shehzad Ahmed Khan also claimed that he had received numerous written and verbal complaints regarding interference in the judiciary by the ISI, which he referred to as an "institution." He also expressed dismay that this judicial interference had its roots as far back as a 1955 court case involving the first Speaker of Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan.

Political interference
For the initial three decades of its existence, the ISI was believed to have prioritized internal intelligence matters over external ones. The agency purportedly focused on monitoring political leaders and parties that posed potential challenges to the military leadership. One rationale for the ISI's involvement in domestic politics is attributed to the military's perceived necessity to manipulate political affairs as a means of exerting indirect control over the country. The involvement of the ISI in domestic political affairs has been suggested as a contributing factor to instability and a crisis of governance in the country.

General Ayub Khan was alleged to have exploited the ISI for his own political objectives. During the 1965 Pakistani presidential election, it is purported that the ISI became actively involved in politics of Pakistan. Allegedly, the ISI provided General Ayub, a presidential candidate, with regular updates on public opinion. However, the election outcomes revealed a significant underestimation by the ISI of the popularity of Fatima Jinnah.

The ISI maintained extensive involvement in domestic politics of Pakistan, monitoring and surveillance opponents of the incumbent regimes. ISI is believed to become deeply involved in domestic political affairs during the rule of General Yahya Khan. A National Security Council was established with Major General Ghulam Umar serving as the second-in-command. This council was tasked with overseeing intelligence operations aimed at preventing any single political party from securing an absolute majority in the 1970 Pakistani general election. It is claimed that a sum of Rs 29 lakh was allocated for this objective, with reported efforts to penetrate the inner circles of the Bangladesh Awami League.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was also blamed for bolstering the ISI's involvement in domestic politics affairs, particularly during the mid-1970s. According to an American historian Stanley Wolpert's account in the book "Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan: His Life and Times," the ISI prepared a comprehensive assessment, including detailed reports on National Assembly candidates, regarding the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) prospects in the 1977 Pakistani general election. 10th DG ISI Asad Durrani also confirmed that Bhutto had established a 'Political Cell' within the ISI in 1975, tasked with conducting political assessments.

Even in the absence of direct martial law, the Pakistan's military maintained significant political sway through ISI. The ISI was purportedly engaged in the creation of new political parties or the fragmentation of existing ones, with the aim of establishing counterbalances against other parties.

During 1988 Pakistani general election, there were reports that the ISI was involved in producing pamphlets and newspaper advertisements, that depicted Benazir Bhutto and her mother Nusrat Bhutto in a negative light, with images superimposed on bikini models. Despite these efforts, the PPP emerged victorious in the elections. Following the election results, then 8th Director-General of Inter-Services Intelligence (DG ISI) Hamid Gul, reportedly advised President Ghulam Ishaq Khan to delay the formation of the government, aiming to facilitate the creation of a Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI)-led coalition government. However, these efforts were unsuccessful, and the PPP proceeded to form the government with Benazir Bhutto assuming the role of Prime Minister.

Nawaz Sharif also purportedly utilized the ISI to gather evidence of corruption by political rivals such as Benazir Bhutto as well as bureaucrats. Then Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto also leveled accusations against the ISI, alleging interference against her government and asserted that the ISI wields influence over the Army " through the power of information". Following Benazir Bhutto's assumption of the Prime Minister's office in 1988, she dismissed Brigadier Imtiaz Ahmad from the ISI and disbanded the ISI's political division in early 1989. Furthermore, she initiated the establishment of a committee to restructure the ISI, focusing exclusively on external intelligence functions. However, before these reforms could be fully implemented, Bhutto was ousted from power following Operation Midnight Jackal in 1990. The 1990 Pakistani general election are also widely alleged to have been manipulated by the ISI in support of the IJI, a coalition formed by the then DG ISI Gul. It is claimed that DG ISI Gul himself oversaw the operations aimed at ensuring the defeat of the Benazir Bhutto-led PPP. The Mehran Bank scandal also served as significant evidence of ISI's involvement in Pakistani politics during the 1990s. Reportedly, officials of the ISI paid bribes to elected politicians to change shifts in their political allegiances. Former Commander in Chief of Pakistan Air Force Asghar Khan alleged that the ISI had bribed politicians to manipulate the 1990 election. The Supreme Court also concluded that there was sufficient evidence to indicate that the election had been rigged in favor of the IJI. In 2012, the Supreme Court of Pakistan directed the PPP-led Ashraf government to initiate legal proceedings against 10th DG ISI Asad Durrani for their involvement in distributing an estimated Rs140 million among politicians to manipulate the 1990 elections. Subsequently, Durrani also confirmed the allegations that the ISI had bribed politicians to influence the 1990 election in an affidavit submitted to the Supreme Court.

Altaf Hussain also alleged that the ISI was involved in a conspiracy to split the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM).

In 2014, then DG ISI Zaheer-ul-Islam was alleged in the planning of the protest march called Tsunami March aimed at destabilizing Nawaz Sharif's government. According to reports, Nawaz Sharif possessed "solid information" regarding Islam's involvement in the protests and he was advised to take action against Islam. However, Sharif opted to refrain from doing so to avoid exacerbating civil-military tensions. Khawaja Asif also accused 19th DG ISI Ahmad Shuja Pasha of orchestrating the protest to undermine Nawaz Sharif's government. Former president of PTI Javed Hashmi also alleged that Pasha was the mastermind behind the protest march. He alleged that Pasha had pledged to remove Nawaz Sharif, Khawaja Asif, and Chaudhary Nisar Ali Khan by any means necessary and alleged that Imran Khan and Pasha were in regular contacts during the protests. It was believed that Pasha orchestrated Imran Khan's rise in politics. 20th DG ISI Zaheer-ul-Islam was also considered a close friend and supporter of Imran Khan who on one occasion, even offered to run Imran Khan's election campaign.

During 2018 Pakistani general election, 24th DG ISI Faiz Hameed was accused in the alleged role of supporting Imran Khan for prime-ministerial office.

In October 2020, during Maryam Nawaz's visit to Karachi, officials from the ISI conducted a raid on her hotel room and arrested her husband, Safdar Awan, on allegations of "violating the sanctity of Mazar-e-Quaid." As per reports, the Inspector-General of Sindh Police Mushtaq Ahmad Mahar was also abducted and coerced by ISI officials to file a First Information Report (FIR) against Maryam and Safdar. When Mahar refused, he was forcibly taken to the ISI sector commander's office and pressured to sign Maryam's arrest warrants. Later, the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) announced that ISI officers implicated in the incident were removed following an inquiry.

In 2022, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Senator Azam Khan Swati was apprehended by the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) and transferred to the ISI for severe physical torture after he criticized then-Chief of Army Staff General Qamar Javed Bajwa. During a press conference, Swati accused two serving ISI officials - Major General Faisal Naseer and Brigadier Faheem Raza- of subjecting him to custodial abuse, including forced nudity. Swati claimed he was "beaten, sexually assaulted and starved in prisons whose locations were not disclosed."

The same year, then DG ISI Nadeem Anjum held a live press briefing to criticize Imran Khan for his condemnation of the military and also admitted that the military had made mistakes in the past, but claimed that an institutional decision had been made to refrain from involvement in politics. This marked the first instance of such a press briefing by a serving DG ISI in the history of Pakistan. Following this, Imran Khan criticized the press conference held by the DG ISI, stating that it was not the "role" of army officers to engage in media discussions about political matters.

2024 general election
Ahead of 2024 general election, Imran Khan was targeted in an assassination attempt on 3 November 2022 while participating in a protest against the Pakistani government in Wazirabad, Punjab. Khan accused Major General Faisal Naseer, then Director General of Counter Intelligence for the ISI, of orchestrating the plot to assassinate him. Despite Khan's allegations, the Punjab Police reportedly declined to file a First Information Report (FIR) against Major General Faisal Naseer to investigate his alleged role in the incident. During a court appearance at the Islamabad High Court on 9 May 2023, Imran Khan was in the process of submitting his biometric data when paramilitary forces of Pakistan Rangers forcibly entered the premises by breaking a window to apprehend him. Media reports indicated that Khan was arrested by paramilitary forces without a warrant, and he was taken to an undisclosed location, possibly an ISI safe house, instead of a police station.

Following the general election, media sources reported on an alleged involvement of the ISI in potential election interference. It was suggested that the ISI may have been prepared to influence the election outcome or facilitate a victory for Nawaz Sharif. However, the unexpected surge in voter turnout in support of Imran Khan overwhelmed their efforts. Subsequently, reports emerged of military intervention, including the shutdown of the website of the Election Commission of Pakistan and the deployment of military and police personnel to polling stations, which raised concerns about the integrity of the electoral process.

In April 2024, Mirza Shahzad Akbar filed a lawsuit against the Government of Pakistan, alleging that the ISI was behind an attempted assassination of Imran Khan as well the murder of Arshad Sharif.

Mass surveillance
In 2015, Privacy International reported that in 2013 the ISI had sought to establish a mass surveillance system to monitor international undersea fiber optic cables. In response, the government of Pakistan acquired surveillance technology from companies such as Ericsson, Alcatel, Huawei, and Utimaco. The report also said that the ISI has abused surveillance powers in the past by spying on politicians and Supreme Court judges, and has also used widespread monitoring and internet censorship against activists, lawyers, and journalists.

In July 2024, ISI was authorised by the Ministry of Information Technology and Telecommunication to intercept and trace telecommunications, as stipulated under Section 54 of the relevant Act. Under the authorization, ISI officers of at least grade 18, subject to periodic designation, were empowered to surveil calls and messages. This authorization was issued over a week after Islamabad High Court Justice Babar Sattar grilled the federal government about the legal framework for phone tapping and surveillance. It was noted that even the Pakistan Telecommunication (Reorganization) Act of 1996 does not provide legal grounds for extensive surveillance on a large scale. And allowing ISI's 18th grade officers discretionary authority to record phone conversations was seen as risky, potentially normalizing misuse of power instead of preventing it.. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan observed that this measure likely to be exploited by ISI for suppressing and clamp down political dissent using methods like blackmail, harassment, and intimidation.