Talk:Madhu Kishwar

"Inception" of journal "Manushi"(date)
The article on the journal itself gives 1978 as the year of its foundation, which leaves one wonder...147.142.186.54 13:27, 26 June 2007 (UTC)

This article lacks notability and seems like a vanity page. I vote for deletion. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.247.43.14 (talk) 07:55, 17 February 2009 (UTC)

It would be good if a photo is added (111.92.22.12 (talk) 17:58, 18 October 2015 (UTC))

Manushi's work with Street Vendors -Section to be added with citations
A countrywide law for the protection of street vendors was enacted in 2013. This was the culmination of a process started by Manushi in 1996-97 when Madhu Kishwar made a documentary film on the plight of street vendors who are victims of frequent clearance operations and consequent extortion rackets because the municipality doesn’t traps them in a web of illegality by denying them licenses to hawk. The licensing policy of municipalities all over the country has been very opaque and arbitrary. Licenses didn’t come without bribes and sifarish. Their goods are routinely confiscated with a view to keep them terrorized so they don’t resist paying bribes. Kishwar's became a tool for raising awareness about the plight of street vendors among bureaucrates, media politicians and influential sections of society. In response to Manushi's advocacy campaign and a series of public hearings of street vendors, in August 2001 the then prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee had announced a new policy framework for protecting the livelihoods of street vendors. Since then Manushi has battled through the High Court as well as the Supreme Court to get the policy framework concretized in the shape of law. These cases have been backed by a great deal of field and archival research to being the complexity of the situation to the notice of the court and policy makers. For instance, Manushi was able to document the mechanisms through which hundreds of crores of rupees were being sucked out of street vendors and how mafia elements had come to monopolize our markets. Now that Manushi has succeeded in getting an all India legislation, our current battle is to get the legislation translated into creation of safe and well ordered hawking zones not just in Delhi but in other towns and cities of India as well. The new law mandates the creation of hawking zones in every town and city and bans the removal of hawkers without providing them an alternative space. There is also provision for issuing licenses on demand. The battle for implementation is likely to be a long one.

Manushi and Cycle Rikshaw Pullers -Section to be added with citations
In 2010, Manushi succeeded in getting the Delhi High Court to strike down the highly discriminatory and irrational cycle rickshaw policy struck down as unconstitutional. This victory involved a long battle that began in 1997. Under the then prevalent cycle rickshaw policy, thousands of cycle rickshaws were being confiscated every year on the specious ground that the person pulling the rickshaw did not own the rickshaw himself or that he did not have the owner and puller licenses. While there was no quota on the number of motor vehicles operating in the city, rickshaw sector was kept on a tight leash by restrictive quotas in issuing licenses and by arbitrary and irrational procedures for issuing license. Driving a rented rickshaw used to invite confiscation and destruction of vehicle since renting a rickshaw was listed as an offence under the prevailing municipal regulations. Moreover, getting a rickshaw license was “far more difficult than getting an MLA or MP ticket”, to quote Mehrat Singh, a rickshaw puller of West Delhi. Since the licensing policy was both arbitrary and restrictive, over 90 percent of rickshaws plied without licenses and therefore were liable to confiscation. Those few that had licenses were also vulnerable to confiscation because they were not being plied by owners. The confiscation drives on the basis of highly vicious laws led to hundreds of crores being siphoned off every year from rickshaw owners and pullers by way of penalties, fines and bribes for the release of confiscated rickshaws. Moreover, the Traffic Police treated rickshaws as an unwanted nuisance everywhere and banned their entry from most parts of Delhi, including all arterial roads. This virtually made their presence illegal almost everywhere. Going into arbitrarily defined “No Entry Zones” also invited confiscation of the vehicle by the police. Thus a perfectly legitimate occupation involving back breaking hard work was trapped in a web of illegality from all sides. There were no legal rickshaw stands. Therefore, owners had to pay hefty bribes even for parking their humble vehicles at night in odd nooks and corners of Delhi. The illegal status of rickshaw pullers and owners also made them routine targets of human rights abuses. On February 2010, the High Court of Delhi gave a historic verdict in a petition filed by Manushi Sangathan on behalf of cycle rickshaw sector. It declared the existing MCD policy unconstitutional and put an end to confiscation and destruction of rickshaws. It also struck down all the discriminatory and lawless provisions of the rickshaw policy – which treated renting out rickshaws as a punishable crime. The High Court accepted our plea that if renting a bus or taxi is lawful, renting out a rickshaw ought not to be considered illegal. As a result, rickshaw sector is not losing crores of rupees every year because their rickshaws are not being junked any more. They are also saving crores of rupees in fines and penalties. The Delhi Police and Municipal Corporation had challenged this order in the Supreme Court. Fortunately, Manushi won the case in Supreme Court as well. Most important of all the High Court ordered the Delhi Government to set up a Special Task Fource to devise a new law and policy which would treat eco-friendly Non-Motorized Vehicles (NMVs) as an integral part of Delhi traffic while providing separate tracks for NMVs. The Task Force assigned me the task of drafting a new law which was submitted to the High Court in 2011. Since then Manushi has been involved in a relentless battle to get the new law implemented with integrity – including creation of safe NMV tracks all over the city as per the mandate of the Delhi Master Plan. The High Court has been monitoring this implementation on a monthly basis while Manushi has been providing regular inputs to the High Court on the state of implementation, including attempts by the MCD and police to sabotage the High Court orders. Licences are now available to rickshaw owners and pullers on demand. The courts have also struck the restrictive quota system for giving licenses since that had rendered illegal most of the 600,000 rickshaws plying in Delhi. But Manushi's efforts to get NMV tracks created on all arterial roads are being stymied by the municipal authorities and police even though court orders and Delhi Master Plan which has the force of law mandates the creation of NMV tracks. Manushi's endeavours to free the cycle rickshaw pullers and owners liberated from the clutches of the pernicious license quota raj started way back in 1997 and may take several more years till it reaches full resolution.

Electoral Reforms and Measures to Enhance Women’s Participation in Electoral Politics -Section to be added with citations
a) Kishwar also campaigned for the establishment of all-women panchayats and fielding of women candidates by Shetkari Mahila Aghadi in zilla parishad elections in the late 80’s, and early 90’s. The experience gained from this work is part of a larger study on the mobilization of peasant women in Maharashtra to be published as a volume entilted, “the Making of the Indian Woman.” b) In recent years, she has been actively engaged in campaigning for meaningful and appropriate electoral reforms to facilitate the quantitative and qualitative enhancement in women’s participation at all levels. This resulted in offering a more viable legislation to the ham-handed Women’s Reservation Bill proposed by the Government of India. c) Madhu Kishwar has done a comprehensive report for Asia Pacific Women Law and Development (APWLD) on Affirmative Action for Women in India and also took the initiative to bring together specialists on electoral laws to constitute a Forum for Democratic Reforms. An alternative bill to enhance the participation of women in legislatures was drafted by this group. This has been the basis of a countrywide campaign to ensure that this bill gets tabled and discussed in parliament.

Campaign on Ethnic Conflicts -Section to be added with citations
Kishwar believes that the litmus test for any democracy is how it treats its minorities had made her champion minority rights issue. Her interventions have been at three levels:
 * Combating the misinformation campaigns resorted to by the media via her own independent investigations to bring out the facts during conflict situations in a non partisan manner.
 * Building bridges of communication between groups at a time when the estrangement level is high due to politically engineered divides.
 * Working with various ethnic groups to explore consensually acceptable solutions to some of the outstanding issues that block understanding and cooperation between different communities in India.

All these became high priority concerns from the time of the anti-Sikh riots of 1984. Initially Kishwar and other Manushi volunteers got involved in doing relief work in refugee camps among the riot victims. In that process, she began recording testimonies of families who had lost their homes and family members. These interviews became the basis for a special investigative report she prepared on the political forces behind the anti-Sikh violence as well as the specific experience of women during those pogroms. Her report entitled "Gangster Rule: the Massacre of Sikhs in Delhi" published in the anthology of articles: Religion At The Service Of Nationalism became an important instruments for a widespread campaign demanding the punishment of the guilty of the 1984 massacre.

This report was translated into Punjabi by Sikh organizations and circulated widely both in India and abroad. In North America alone, Sikh organizations circulated nearly 200,000 copies of this report. As a result of this, Kishwar was invited to an eight week long speaking tour of Gurudwaras in North America. That brought her in close contact with several Sikh organizations working to bring peace in Punjab, establish the rule of law and restore democracy. These lectures were attended by thousands of Sikhs. She used this opportunity to build communication bridges between North American Hindus and Sikhs who had become estranged from each other following Operation Bluestar and the 1984 pogrom. It culminated in the formation of a Human Rights Network comprising of Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims in North America. In addition, she attempted to mobilize opinion against terrorist politics in Punjab, arguing that far from bringing peace and justice for the Sikhs in India, terrorism would only strengthen the hands of those interested in dividing the Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab and the rest of the country. A report of her intensive interaction and dialogues with the Sikh community was published in Manushi No. 41 (July-Aug, 1987) and later included in the anthology: Religion at the Service of Nationalism (OUP).

In an attempt to help heal the wounds of the 1984 massacre, Manushi also organized a fund raising campaign to support the family of Shri Prabu Dayal, who died while saving three Sikh women during the 1984 massacre. Sant Longowal was invited to present the money collected to the widow of Shri Prabhu Dayal in a public function to pay homage to heroes like Prabhu Dayalji, who became a symbol of communal amity during a period when many were advocating permanent hatred. Apart from honoring the family of Prabhu Dayalji, the purpose of this function was to bring together Hindus and Sikhs of our neighbourhood, which had been very adversely hit by the engineered violence, leaving a lot of communal bitterness on both sides. She also wrote several articles for mainstream newspapers and the Illustrated Weekly of India to combat the misinformation campaign by the government of the day to cover up its own role in carrying out the massacre of Sikhs.

She filed a public interest litigation in the Supreme Court demanding that the inquiry into the massacre not be confined to investigating the role of police officials at the lower level but bring to trial those at the top responsible for promoting enmity between Hindus and Sikhs for short term electoral gains.

Following the 1987 riots in Meerut, Kishwar led an all-women team from Manushi to carry out an extensive survey in Meerut and Malliana, and to understand the nature and source of communal violence that consumed that city during the 1980s and early 90s. As an offshoot of that, she has done a 5 year long study of Meerut constituency starting 1987 to 1999, examining the changing face of Hindu-Muslim relations in Meerut and the role of political parties in creating communal strife. She has also produced a similar in-depth investigative report on the 1992-1993 Bombay riots, the riots in Delhi following the demolition of Babri Masjid, and the ethnic divide in Kashmir. These reports are included in her book: Religion at the Service of Nationalism.

Dowry and Domestic Violence
Kishwar investigated some of the early dowry related deaths in Delhi, which were published in Manushi. She also organized the earliest protest demonstrations against domestic violence and wife murder in Delhi. The wide publicity given to these protests led to a lot of women and families approaching Manushi for legal and other help. As a result, she has been actively involved with legal aid and counseling work done at Manushi. This exposure led her to undertake a study of study of the actual workings of law courts as also the dynamics of domestic violence. Her writings on dowry based on this experience triggered off a countrywide debate on the subject in academic journals, as well as in the mainstream mass-media. The basic thrust of her investigative writing was to demonstrate that dowry cannot be abolished by law so long as women are denied inheritance rights in their parental property. Anti dowry campaigns have failed precisely because women themselves are not willing to forsake dowry since they know that this is the only form in which they get a share of parental wealth. Hence the need to shift the focus from abolishing dowry to securing inalienable inheritance rights for women. Some of her articles are included in the book, Off the Beaten Track (OUP, 1999). In recent years, she has been investigating the extent of abuse of anti-dowry laws and amendments to the Indian Penal Code to combat domestic violence. In addition, she has done fieldwork in Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Andhra on the changing dowry practices in India, especially among rural communities. Some of this work found expression in two documentary films made for Doordarshan on the spread of dowry and the culture of disinheritance of women gaining strength in India. A comprehensive review of the anti dowry campaign and anti dowry laws in contained in her book “Zealous Reformers, Deadly Laws” published in by Sage India in 2005.

Women's inheritance rights
In 1980, while investigating cases of police atrocities on tribal women in south Bihar Kishwar found that many women were facing life-threatening forms of violence from members of their own families, especially as widows and unmarried daughters, all because of the fragile nature of their rights to land. She also found that most cases of witch killing in this region were actually property-related murders whereby male agnates were doing away with vulnerable female relatives in order to grab hold of their land. When some of these women pleaded for help and intervention, she carried out a thorough investigation of the issues involved and the extent of violence and coercion faced by tribal women and filed a PIL in the Supreme Court challenging the discriminatory provisions of the Chhota Nagpur Tenancy Act instituted by the British in the 19th century. This law gave women a very insecure foothold in the family property. This despite the fact that women among these communities are the primary workers on land. She also brought to the Court’s notice that many of those targeted and killed as witches were victims of the land hunger of their male relatives and that many overt and covert forms of violence against women in rural communities were linked to their precarious rights to land.

Thereafter, she carried out a more in-depth study of women’s situation in south Bihar with a focus on their economic role to lend strength to our petition in the Supreme Court challenging the denial of land rights to tribal women. The report of this study entitled, "Toiling without Rights: Ho women of Singhbhum", was published in three parts, in the Economic and Political Weekly, (Vol.XXII, 3-4-5, January, 1987).It provided the needed background information and inputs for the Supreme Court judges hearing the Manushi petition.

This study also brought out clearly the fact that denial of full and equal inheritance rights to women was jeopardizing the overall well-being of tribal communities, leading to greater land alienation and forced migration of single women. Manushi’s campaign for women’s land rights catalysed numerous organizations all over the country to make this a high priority issue in their regions.

However, Kishwar did not confine her investigation of women’s inheritance rights to those within tribal communities alone, but went on to study inheritance laws affecting other communities as well. In addition, she undertook a detailed study of the Hindu Code Bill as well as the ground level situation in different areas of the country, especially in a variety of rural areas. Her study of the Hindu Code Bill was published in Economic & Political Weekly, Vol. XXIX, No. 33, August 13, 1994. The campaign on women’s property rights has been a key part of Manushi’s campaign to combat the culture of dependence imposed on women by their families. Apart from campaigning through the media, she lectured extensively on this issue to college students, mahila mandals, NGOs and a host of other organizations in various parts of the country, both in rural and urban areas.

The most significant part of this campaign was her work with Shetkari Mahila Aghadi, the women’s front of farmers organization called Shetkari Sangathana based in Maharashtra. From 1987-1994 she worked very closely with Shetkari Sangathan and helped evolve a unique campaign, called the Lakshmi Mukti programme for gaining property rights for rural women. She joined Sangathana leaders in campaigning in rural areas of Maharashtra, calling upon families to voluntarily transfer a piece of land in the name of the woman of the house. Any village in which 100 or more families transferred a piece of land in the name of the woman of the family was declared a Lakshmi Mukti village. Such villages and families were issued certificates of honour at grandly organised local functions by the Shetkari Sangathana. In 1989, Vitner village in Jalgaon District became the first village to achieve this goal. In two and a half years, between 1989-91,Lakshmi Mukti was implemented in about 600 villages of Maharashtra. In order to strengthen the programme in other areas of Maharashtra, Kishwar undertook a detailed evaluation study of this campaign with a view to understanding both the strengths as well as limitations of this effort to encourage voluntary transfer of land to women. Her detailed report on this will form a chapter in a forthcoming book, The Making of the Indian Woman.

Khap Panchayats
Madhu Kishwar’s engagement with Khap Panchayats is an apt example of her ability to work with local communities rather than approach them in the attack mode when it comes to issues of social reform. It all started in 2010 after reports of honour killings attributed to them by the media started attracting nationwide attention and evoking widespread outrage with the media portraying Khaps as barbaric institutions that acted outside by the pale of law. She called a meeting of prominent Khap leaders with the help of local activists from Haryana to hear their version first hand. In the first meeting, itself, a consensus was reached to declare rejection of so called, honour killings public by the Khaps, even as they continued to assert their demand for exclusion of sagotra marriages under Hindu Marriage Act for those communities which believed it to be taboo. Since then many such dialogues have been initiated by Manushi with the KhapPanchayats. Through her timely intervention in the Supreme Court she was able to stall the proceedings to ban Khap Panchayats petitioned by a group of foreign-funded NGOs such as Shakti Vahini. Even though the entire purpose of the Shakti Vahini petition was to get the Central Government to pass a law to ban the very existence of Khaps and other community based Panchayats on the absurd charge that they are all “extra judicial" bodies, Khaps were kept out of the picture as a deliberate strategy. In a well-orchestrated move, Shakti Vahini did not make any of the KhapPanchayats a party in this case. Instead, it made Union of India, Ministry of Home Affairs, Ministry of Women and Child, States of Haryana, Punjab, UP, Jharkhand, Bihar, Himachal Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh parties to the case. In response to this petition, the Vacation Bench of Justice R M Lodha and Justice A K Patnaik issued a notice on 21/06/2010 to all the sarkari respondents. But since Khaps were not included as a party, they were neither issued a notice nor informed about the case against them.  For two and a half years the case against KhapPanchayats was argued in absentia. Most of the state governments who were made respondents in this case, opposed the proposed new law to virtually ban traditional Panchayats but Shakti Vahini with the full encouragement and support of Central government represented by the Additional Solicitor General, Ms Indira Jaisingh kept pushing the Supreme Court Bench hearing the case to give a stringent order for the enactment of a draconian and unconstitutional law. This has been drafted for the Law Commission of India by a group of feminist activists patronized by the UPA Government. Under the pretense of combating honour killings, this law seeks to deprive rural communities of their fundamental rights guaranteed under the Constitution. On January 14, 2013 Manushi appeared in the Supreme Court to seek the permission of the Court to include Manushi and some Khaps as parties in the case after a court notification issued by the Apex Court that said that they are willing to hear anybody who has anything to say on the subject. On 02/04/2013, the case came up for hearing. Indira Jaisingh repeatedly pleaded for at least some interim orders but Manushi stood its ground that without hearing the affected parties any order passed by the court would violate due process and therefore be invalid. Thus, MadhuKishwar managed to successfully stall any adverse orders against Khap Panchayats, including the draconian law proposed to be enacted against them. In her petition she reiterated that “‘Khap’ is a name given in a particular region to a universally respected social/community practice of self-governance, to deliberate and resolve issues at hand when those directly concerned – be they individuals, families or village or caste communities---are unable to amicably resolve on their own and therefore need the help of community elders whose moral authority rests on their being nonpartisan and fair minded. They neither have money power nor official clout to enforce their diktats. It is democratic in practice and has in-built mechanisms for self-correction. The stress is invariably on resolving the issues by consensus and consent; coercion cannot be practiced in a genuine Khap meeting because decision by consensus is the key its legitimacy and existence. The maximum “punishment”, in case of habitual offenders, is the withdrawal of relationship to bring social pressure for reform. This is how several Khaps have tried to curb exorbitant dowry and marriage expenses as well as curbing liquor and drug menace. Some of them are doing valueable social reform work as is evident from the submissions of Dalal Khap and Sunil Jaglan, Sarpanch Bibipur panchayat. Modern day NGO’s, most of who are set up with the support of international donor agencies rarely, if ever enjoy the moral clout of traditional community organizations. This is perhaps the reason for NGO’s hostility to genuine community based organizations.

Legal Aid work and Research - Section to be added with citations
Ever since the early days of Kishwar has been actively engaged in legal aid and counseling for women in diverse kinds of distress situations. This includes cases of: a)	Domestic violence and marital abuse. b)	Disinheritance from property on account of discrimination as daughters, sisters and wives. c)	Ways to combat sexual violence and sexual harassment.

Through this engagement, Kishwar has not only had occasion to work on actual cases, draft petitions, and do legal research, but also study the actual working of the law courts. The experience thus gained has been shared through several articles published in Manushi and has also been the basis for suggesting several law reforms. — Preceding unsigned comment added by DisgruntledEngineer (talk • contribs) 09:33, 10 July 2015 (UTC)

Kissse Kanoon Ke:
This is a series of 13 programme commissioned by Doordarshan reviewing the actual fallout of various laws that have been enacted for the ostensible purpose of protecting or strengthening women’s rights in post independence India. The legislations covered include the following: a)	Laws to protect women against domestic violence b)	Anti-rape laws. c)	Laws against obscenity and indecent portrayal of women. d)	Equal Remuneration Act. e)	Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act f)	Reservation for women in panchayats and zillaparishads g)	Law against bigamy. h)	Bill to provide 33 per cent reservation for women in legislatures. i)	Laws to curb Sex Determination Tests. j)	Muslim Women’s Protection Act of 1986. k)	Laws to curb Prostitution l)	Sati Prohibition Act. m)	Inheritance laws for women n)	Anti dowry laws. — Preceding unsigned comment added by DisgruntledEngineer (talk • contribs) 09:43, 10 July 2015 (UTC)

News Watch:
A Weekly Programme: Kishwar researched, conceptualized, scripted and anchored a prime-time programme called News Watch on DD Channel 1. This was an investigative weekly programme of media review, providing an informed critique of media reports on important issues covering the content, as well as the presentation of media reports.

Manas series: -Section to be added with citations
A series of six documentaries include the following: (a) Dowry: Compulsion vs. Need (Dahej: Zaroorat ya Majboori): ‘This deals with social and economic dynamics behind the spread of culture of dowry despite stringent legislation. In India, the common perception is that dowry is a social evil. For women in particular, it is considered to be a curse. On one hand, it has been demanded repeatedly that the government should pass stricter laws to abolish the custom of dowry. But those very people who make such demands are unable to answer why the anti-dowry law that was enacted in 1961, and made even more stringent in 1984 and 1986, has remained unsuccessful. Why is it that even after so many decades of pronouncing dowry illegal, the culture of dowry has become stronger and more widespread? Why is it that even those who condemn it are not able to withstand the growing power of this custom in their own families? Is it a disease that has gripped people against their wish? Or does the problem lie elsewhere? These are some of the questions answered in this

(b) The Disinheritance of Women from Family Property.(Aurtein: na ghar ki, na ghat ki): In most parts of our country and among most communities, the belief that the rightful heirs to the family property are sons, is getting stronger. Parents might spend lakhs in buying consumer goods for their daughters as dowry, but very few are willing to give a share of the parental property to daughters. This documentary explores the implications of the growing culture of disinheritance of women in our country.

(c)  Liquor and State Policy: why anti-liquor movements inevitably turn anti-state? (Sharaab: Kaun pilaye, kaun rukaye?) This film challenges some of the popular myths about anti-liquor movements in India, for example the belief that these are primarily led by women against men. The film reviews the dynamics of anti-liquor movements in four different states: Punjab, Haryana, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh and examines the key role played by men in initiating protests and struggles to rid their villages of the liquor menace. It also tries to explain why most anti-liquor movements start off by targeting drunkards but soon turn anti-government. The film examines the role and response of the state machinery with regard to spreading liquor consumption.

(d) Governmental Controls on Agriculture and the Increasing Rural-Urban Divide being promoted through our Farm Policy. (Mera Bharat Pareshan): One of the major characteristics of developed countries is that only 2 to 10 per cent of the population is involved in agriculture. They not only feed their own people but are also in a position to export their agricultural surplus to the rest of the world. However in India, 70 per cent of the population is dependent on agriculture even today, and most of them are so poor that they are unable to provide adequately even for their own families. Even after 50 years of independence, planned economy and various other kinds of government controls have remained unsuccessful in removing India's poverty. On the other hand the hiatus between rural and urban standards of living and income has widened further. In 1951, if a villager was earning Rs. I, his city-dweller counterpart was earning Rs. 1.40. Today, a city-dweller's income is on an average about 10 times more than the villager's income. Why is this gap increasing between rural and urban areas? This film provides an insight into the crippling restrictions imposed by the state on agriculture and how these have kept farmers mired in poverty.

(e)  License Permit Raj: a View from Below (Udaarikaran: Kewal Oopar ka Udaar). The consequences of the "liberalisation" of our economy are clearly evident in every city and even some villages. New models of TV, refrigerators, music systems, household gadgets and even clothes and shoes of international brands are invading the market every day. Cars of foreign models based on latest technology are running on our roads. But, on the other hand, vegetable-carts and cycle-rickshaws, which are a means of livelihood for millions and a cheap form of transport for common people, have not seen any technical improvement. On the contrary, their technology seems to have deteriorated further. This film explores how the working of the License-Permit-Raid-Raj thwarts the earning ability and efforts of the poor city migrants to move out of the poverty trap. It provides moving glimpses as to how the poorest of the poor are fleeced of their earning by our babudom and the urgent need to evolve a bottoms-up approach to economic reforms.

(f) The Impoverishment and Marginalization of India’s Traditional Technologists and Artisans. (Banaye Ajoobe, Kehlaye Pichde) Today India is considered a poor agricultural country. But until about 200 years back, our country was regarded as the world's leading manufacturing society. Europeans took hazardous voyages to India, attracted by its wealth and exquisite luxury goods. One of the major characteristics of our traditional technological excellence was that it did not merely cater to the aristocratic urban elite. High quality, aesthetically designed consumer goods and architectural wonders were found in virtually each part of the country. This is the reason why old jewellery of our ordinary village women, old brass and copper pots commonly used in rural homes, their carved doors, windows and household furniture are today sold as exorbitantly priced antique items in the international market.This technological legacy was the inheritance of a group of jatis known as 'Vishwakarma', who are found in every Indian city and village.Tragically enough, the jatis who elevated our country's technological, craft and industrial skills to such astonishing levels over centuries have today been declared as "Backward" and "Most Backward Castes". Why and how have their skills and art become obsolete? What impact has their devaluation had on the rest of society? These are some of the questions explored in this documentary.

It is naive in the extreme to expect this section to be added. Once touched by the Hindutva kryptonite, any superman or superwoman instantly loses his/her superpowers and credibility. Wikipedia is full of examples. Sooku (talk) 08:20, 22 October 2021 (UTC)

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Views on Muslism & Pakistan
In a tweet she has said:

MadhuPurnima Kishwar‏ Verified account @madhukishwar

Do you ever ask Pakistanis not to meddle in India's affairs? By the way, my ancestors lived in what came 2b called Pakistan in 1947. They drove our parents/grandparents away from our ancestral lands. Pakistan came into existence through masscares & genocides. Not a real nation!

In another tweet she writes:

MadhuPurnima Kishwar Verified account @madhukishwar

These are best specimens among "progressive Muslims"! Moral of the story--scratch the liberal mask of a Muslim & you find a rabid Islamist. As were Iqbal & Jinnah!

>> This seems like rather hateful rhetoric. Is she generally islamophobic &/or anti-Pakistan?

74.90.31.36 (talk) 19:55, 28 August 2018 (UTC)R.E.D.

Addition of fake news propagated by her.
Addition of fake news propagated by her. Its widely reported by media houses and fact checkers. Why is it wrong to add as the false news propagated by her is from authentic sources. Edward Zigma (talk) 08:26, 19 November 2019 (UTC)

Modification of few things in current page
This line should be deleted as no authentic source is provided for what is written " Whilst her earlier work in the domain were quite favorably received by the academia and fellow activists, her reputation was considerably affected post the '90s, once she began to increasingly embrace the growing support for Hindutva."

I also propose to add change this to - Kishwar has been accused of aiding in the propagation of communal material[4][50][51] and to have propagated fake news over numerous occasions, via her Twitter handle.[52] this - Kishwar has been accused by certain left leaning individuals such as Rana Ayub, Prashant Bhushan among others, who are known to be strong critic of Modi Government and its hindutva ideology, of aiding in the propagation of communal material[4][50][51] and to have propagated fake news over numerous occasions, via her Twitter handle.[52]

The sources being quoted are not reliable sources, some of which are doubtful fact checking websites. They should be deleted or reliable sources such as ones published by Oxford University Press or authentic news website should be provided. But, I am ok with giving another point of view. However, I have checked those who have accused, it seems that they are carrying individuals which are strong critic of modi government, hindutva and hinduism ideology. Hence, the statement needs to be qualified approporiately, as they sully the image of the person.

I propose to change the heading to Politics and fake news to Politics and Controversies

Heading is not approporitate, it shuld highlight that these r controversies surrounding the individual and not fake news. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Raghuveer07 (talk • contribs) 08:52, 8 November 2020 (UTC)
 * , the line "Kishwar has been accused of aiding in the propagation of communal material and to have propagated fake news over numerous occasions, via her Twitter handle." is sourced through three citations for communal material and twenty for individual or multiple instances of "fake news tweets". The citations are from a diverse range of reliable sources.


 * None of these are accusations of Prashant Bhushan or Rana Ayyub, whose charecterisation as "left leaning" would be misleading anyways although that's irrelevant in this context. One of the citations mentions that Kishwar tweeted fake news about Rana Ayyub, where the citation itself is a reliable secondary source being Sashi Kumar's online newspaper Asiaville in this instance. Please avoid such mischarecterisation or misinterpretation of sources. Tayi Arajakate  Talk 10:53, 8 November 2020 (UTC)

These are unreliable sources; please explain how you r qualifying its is relaible. These should be well reputed news sources, or publisher as it is biography of living person. Are they stating any facts or is it opinion. Asiaville itself mentions on their website tha "IPSMF does not take any legal or moral responsibility whatsoever for the content published by Asiaville Interactive Private Limited on their website". I will have to highlight that accusations may be from specific person; you cannot generalise. Please highlight who has accused or whether specific ppl have accused. the fake news links metions tweet which are not origninal, but screenshots of tweet, which may be photoshopped. Please dont try to sully the image of an individual. please be balanced in this. it should be qualified

Please also explain why this line should not be deleted,as it shows personal opinion and has not quoted any source. " Whilst her earlier work in the domain were quite favorably received by the academia and fellow activists, her reputation was considerably affected post the '90s, once she began to increasingly embrace the growing support for Hindutva."

Thanks Raghuveer07 (talk) 11:09, 8 November 2020 (UTC)
 * , the sources that are cited are from Outlook India, Observer Research Foundation, ThePrint, The Indian Express, India Today, The Wire, Alt News, BOOM, Asiaville and Newslaundry. Of these Alt News and BOOM are fact checking organisations who are signatories of the International Fact-Checking Network . Are you claiming these are all unreliable sources?


 * Regarding Asiaville, it's inconsequential if an investment fund doesn't take responsibility for the paper's content as long as the publication itself does. In fact it is a standard and ethical practice to ensure the editorial independence of the paper. The founder and editor-in-chief of the paper is Sashi Kumar who is a reputed journalist. Regardlessly, even if we removed this particular citation, it would have no effect on the material in the article considering how well it is supported by the other citations.


 * Regarding the other line, I've already explained it on my talk page in response to your query there and am not going to repeat myself here again. Tayi Arajakate  Talk 12:31, 8 November 2020 (UTC)

As per the discussion in talk page of Tayi Arajakate. I have raised concerns on this line, citing the sources being used do not convey what is written - "Whilst her earlier work in the domain were quite favorably received by the academia and fellow activists, her reputation was considerably affected post the '90s, once she began to increasingly embrace the growing support for Hindutva". This has been changed by Tayi Arajakate to "Whilst her earlier work in the domain were quite favorably received by the academia and fellow activists, her counterparts disassociated from her post the '90s, once she began to increasingly embrace the growing support for Hindutva". However, I have again read the sources and they do not mention or mean this. Out of respect to Tayi Arajakate view, I have proposed to change this to "whilst her earlier work in the domain were quite favorably received by the academia and fellow activists of that time, some of her earlier counterparts disassociated from her post the '90s, once she began to increasingly embrace the growing support for Hindutva" so as to make it more neutral. However, Tayi Arajakate has not agreed to this, neither Tayi Arajakate has explained that how "her counterparts disassociated from her post the '90s" has not been cited from the sources. I would again like to point out that neither counterparts, nor disassociated or anything meaning this has been mentioned in sources. In case, Tayi Arajakate does not provide required explanation, I will have to go for third opinion or dispute resolution.

Raghuveer07 (talk) 07:28, 9 November 2020 (UTC)

Raghuveer07, the conduct note is very much warranted. The new dispute that you are claiming is something you accepted in the discussion just beforehand. Such behavior is a classic example of gaming the consensus building process where you make a concession and then retract it. If this is how it's going to be then I've no interest in continuing as it ends up not being anything more than a waste of my time. For the record the, quoting from the citation; Anantharam, Anita (1 December 2009). "East/West encounters: "Indian" identity and transnational feminism in Manushi". Feminist Media Studies. 9 (4): 461–476. doi:10.1080/14680770903233076. ISSN 1468-0777. Over the years, the editorial collective disappeared, leaving Manushi in the hands of its founding editor, Madhu Kishwar. With the rise of Hindutva and Hindu nationalism in the 1980s and 1990s, there was a shift in Manushi’s politics. Numerous articles in the pages of the journal over the past 25 years produce or reproduce hierarchies of “East” versus “West,” Indian womanhood versus western feminism, and Hindu versus Muslim identity. (...) Indian feminists who may have had a stake in Manushi initially have all but renounced association with the journal lest they become tainted with “nativism” or be seen as apologists for the nationalist movement.

This has been summarised as her counterparts disassociating from her in the lead of the article. Tayi Arajakate Talk 07:30, 9 November 2020 (UTC) I think we ought not to be personal. I have not agreed to the changes you made. As a courtesy, I have only thanked you for making changes. I had already told you that I would want to modify this, as what u r writing is not presented in the article. Please see what is written in reliable sources under context - "Sources should directly support the information as it is presented in the Wikipedia article". it cannot be summary as inferred by one individual. I am not able to summarise what u r writing; the source here does not support the information as it is presented. Please do not take it personally - If this is how it's going to be then I've no interest in continuing as it ends up not being anything more than a waste of my time." you have given this my warning - "Please stop your disruptive editing. If you continue to blank out or remove portions of page content, templates, or other materials from Wikipedia without adequate explanation, as you did at Madhu Kishwar, you may be blocked from editing". I give attnetion to detail and that is y i am pointing to you. Please allow me to make changes in case you do not want to spend time.

Raghuveer07 (talk) 08:03, 9 November 2020 (UTC)