User:Swarabakti/sandbox

Kerinci (baso Kincai) is a Malayic language or dialect group spoken in the western highlands of Jambi Province, Indonesia, mainly within the Kerinci Regency and the city of Sungai Penuh.

Dialects
Kerinci has a high dialectal diversity, although the total number of distinct dialects is still unclear. It is sometimes assumed that every village in Kerinci has its own distinct dialect. These dialects are mainly distinguished by the shape of their root words' final rimes, as can be seen in the following table, which lists dialects spoken in the vicinity of Sungai Penuh town (Standard Malay equivalents are included for comparison):

Unless noted otherwise, the speech variety described in this article is that of Pondok Tinggi, as researched by.

Phonemes
The Pondok Tinggi dialect of Kerinci has 19 consonants and 6 vowels.

Kerinci has a rich inventory of diphthongs—that is, sequences of vowels occurring in the same syllable. Ernanda lists a total of 12 diphthongs for the Pondok Tinggi dialect, given in the table below.

Morphophonology
Within a word, the presence of a voiced obstruent (,, , or ) that is not preceded by a homorganic nasal consonant alter its final rime. Words with a non-prenasalized voiced obstruent are labeled "G-words", while those that do not have such obstruent are called "K-words". This distinction is apparent in words that historically share the same final rimes, such as shown in the table below. As can also be seen from the examples given in the table above, the final vowel rimes in Pondok Tinggi G-words are generally higher than those in K-words. The historical *-i corresponds to modern Pondok Tinggi -ai/-ei in K-words and -oi/-i in G-words, while historical *-u corresponds to -au/-ou in K-words and -eu/-u in G-words. The word pindah/pindoh, while having a voiced obstruent, is not counted as a G-word since the obstruent is preceded by a homorganic nasal. The word gunduah/gundoh, on the other hand, has another voiced obstruent that is not part of a homorganic nasal-obstruent sequence, so it still undergoes the change associated with a G-word.

This process is still productive in modern Pondok Tinggi Kerinci. For example, if the passive prefix di- (which contains a voiced obsturent) is attached to a K-word, the word would turn into a G-word and changes its final rime. However, this change would be blocked if the initial consonant of the root is also an obstruent.
 * ambaiɁ/ambeiɁ {'to take'} → diamboiɁ/diambiɁ {'be taken'}

ihan/ihin {'to accompany'} → diihon/diihin {'be alongside with s.o.'}

paŋkau/paŋkou {'to hold'} → dipaŋkau/dipaŋkou {'be held'}

If a G-word loses its voiced obstruent due to prefixation, it would become a K-word and its final rime changes accordingly. This happens, for example, when the active prefix N- alters the initial obstruent of a root to a homorganic nasal.
 * bəŋoih/bəŋih → məŋaih/məŋeih {'to be angry at'}

dakoi/daki → nakai/nakei {'to climb'}

Early history (c. 1400–1582)
The emergence of Wajoq and other interior polities of South Sulawesi is associated with the major agricultural expansion and political centralization in the 14th century, which was encouraged by an increase in external demand for South Sulawesi rice. Population rose as the formerly common swidden agriculture was increasingly replaced with intensive wet rice cultivation. Throughout the interior of the peninsula, forests were cleared and new settlements were founded. The people of Wajoq themselves associate the origin of their polity with migrations and establishment of new settlements. Wajorese text Lontaraq Sukkuqna Wajoq (Complete Chronicle of Wajoq), for example, recounts the story of a Bugis noble who, on a hunting expedition, found "an area with wide fields, thick forests with wild boars, deer, and buffalo, and numerous lakes replete with fish". He then decided to settle and founded the polity of Cinnotabiq, which transformed into Wajoq in the early 15th century.

Tradition mantains that the name "Wajoq" came from the bajoq tree, under which the then Cinnotabiq ruler La Tenribali supposedly concluded a social contract with the three chiefs of Boliq, whose communities formed the core of Wajoq. La Tenribali was appointed to reign over Boliq lands and thus became the first batara (ruler, lit. "sky") of Wajoq. The third batara of Wajoq, La Pateddungi To Samallangiq, was forced to abdicate by his people, reportedly because of his immoral actions. He was later assassinated by a Wajorese noble. Wajoq then underwent a constitutional change, after which a governing council was established. This council included and was presided by an elective principal ruler, who from then on would be known as the arung matoa (lit. "senior lord"). La Paléwo To Palippu from Béttémpola was chosen by the council as the first arung matoa of Wajoq.

During the reign of the fourth arung matoa, La Tadampareq Puang ri Maggalatung (r. c. 1491–1521), Wajoq became one of the major Bugis polities. By the turn of the 16th century, Wajoq had been able to secure a relatively higher standing in its relationship with the neighboring Luwuq, which was a powerful polity in South Sulawesi during the 15th century, and presumably was regarded as Wajoq's overlord. Together with Luwuq, Wajoq won a war against the nearby polity of Sidénréng in Ajatappareng, forcing the latter to cede its territories north of the central lakes to Wajoq. Wajoq under La Tadampareq also absorbed the remnants of what might have been the core territories of Cina, another influential early Bugis polity. Balance of power in the region further shifted in the early 16th century when Boné, a Bugis polity south of Wajoq, emerged victorious against Luwuq, and thus assumed a paramount position in the eastern part of the peninsula. At the same time, the Makassar twin kingdoms of Gowa and Talloq to the west also started to expand their power. Early in the century, Gowa had cooperated with Boné in wars against Luwuq and Wajoq, but by the mid of the century their struggles for hegemony made Gowa and Boné clashed against each other. By this time, Wajoq had also fallen under Gowa's sphere of influence, and supported Gowa in a war against Boné in the 1560s.

The Tellumpocco alliance and the rise of Gowa-Talloq (1582–1660)


The continued rise of Gowa and its harsh treatment of its Bugis subordinates Wajoq and Soppéng prompted the latter two to sign the Treaty of Timurung, a mutual defense pact initiated by Boné in 1582. The relationship between these three allied Bugis polities, also known as the Tellumpocco ("Three Powers", lit. "Three Peaks"), is defined as that of brothers, with Boné acting as the elder, Wajoq the middle, and Soppéng the younger one. It sought to reclaim the autonomy of these Bugis lands, and to stop Gowa's expansionism. Gowa's subsequent campaigns against Wajoq in 1582 and 1590 as well as against Boné in 1585 and 1588 were all successfully repulsed by the alliance, or in the case of 1590 campaign, abandoned following the murder of Gowa's ruler Tunijalloq.

Nevertheless, by the early 17th century, Gowa and Talloq had succeeded in becoming the most dominant powers in the South Sulawesi peninsula as they bolstered international trade and promoted the new faith of Islam. Between 1608 and 1611, Gowa waged successful campaigns throughout South Sulawesi, forcing Soppéng to embrace Islam in 1609, Wajoq in 1610, and Boné in 1611. Thereafter, the Tellumpocco surrendered the control of their foreign affairs to Gowa, although they were allowed to retain the alliance and still preserve considerable autonomy within their own domains. This arrangement proved to be quite successful to win the support of the Bugis. Wajoq in particular grew increasingly loyal to Gowa. The arung matoa To Mappassaungngé (r. 1627–1628) even offered to guard the Gowa capital when its ruler was off for an expedition, despite he was not being obliged to do so.

Wajoq entered another conflict when the ruler of Boné, La Maddaremmeng (r. 1626–1643), whether for political or religious reasons, attacked and pillaged Pénéki, one of Wajoq's constituent communities. As La Maddaremmeng refused to compensate for the goods seized in Pénéki, Wajoq and Boné went to war against each other. Gowa and Soppéng sided with Wajoq in this conflict, and the joint forces succeeded in defeating Boné in October 1643. Boné was harshly punished by being made a vassal of Gowa, with a Bugis noble installed as a regent responsible to a Makassar lord. A subsequent rebellion led by La Maddaremmeng's brother was also quashed, and Boné's status was further degraded to that of a "slave" (i.e. a colony), while its nobles were forcibly relocated to Gowa. Several contested territories held by Boné were given to Wajoq, and a large number of people from Boné were forced into unpaid labor in Wajoq. This humiliation entrenched a feeling of resentment among the people of Boné towards both Gowa and Wajoq.

Makassar War and Wajorese migrations (1660–1730)
By the second quarter of the 17th century, Gowa and Talloq had became the most powerful polities in eastern Indonesia, both politically and economically. The twin kingdoms' attempt to retain their hegemony brought them to a conflict with the Dutch East India Company (VOC), which wanted to monopolize the spice trade in the Moluccas. In 1660, the Dutch attacked Gowa and managed to seize the fort of Paqnakkukang. Gowa then forced its vassals to provide labor to build military constructions in anticipation of further conflict, which ultimately resulted in a rebellion led by the Boné noble Arung Palakka. However, his attempt to revive the Tellumpocco alliance failed, as Wajoq refused to break its treaty with Gowa to join forces with the rebels.<!-- Despite hard resistance from Wajorese defenders, the walled capital city of Tosora fell to the Boné-led forces in December 1670. La Tenrilai was killed in action, and his successor La Paliliq To Malu (r. 1670–1679) was forced to sign a treaty restricting Wajorese political, trade and military powers, in addition to the Treaty of Bungaya. In spite of Wajoq's surrender, it still faced harsh retribution from Arung Palakka and the people of Boné. Many Wajorese were kidnapped and harassed or had their belongings seized. Boné also annexed the coastal territories near the mouth of Cenrana River, which was Wajoq's sole acess to the sea. Wajoq's complains to the Dutch at Makassar regarding Boné's arbitrary actions were given little attention. By this time, Arung Palakka had been sending soldiers to help the VOC in a campaign in Java, and the VOC did not want to risk severing their relationship with an important ally.

It was these difficulties faced by the Wajorese in their homeland which prompted them to emigrate elsewhere. While migration had always been an important part of Wajorese culture, it was particularly prominent in the aftermath of the Makassar War, when a large number of Wajorese migrants established themselves abroad in Makassar, eastern Borneo, the Lesser Sunda Islands, and the Straits of Malacca area, among other places. These diaspora communities were connected to their homeland as well as to each other by familial, commercial, political and legal ties. By the early 18th century, a sequence of Wajorese rulers had began to take advantage of these connections to revitalize their country. Several rulers ordered their people abroad to buy weapons to rearm Wajoq. Attention was also given to commerce; one particular arung matoa, La Tenriwerrung Puanna Sangngaji (r. 1711–1713), even proclaimed it as a moral duty, noting that the people of Wajoq "could not 'stand upright' unless they sought riches". His successor, La Saléwangeng To Tenrirua (r. 1713–1736), actively supported international commerce in more practical ways. He dredged the river that leads to the capital Tosora to ease access for large boats, strengthened local industries by requiring them to appoint political representatives known as akkajenangngeng, created an official governmental post with the specific role of promoting trade, and set up a fund which can be used for investment on commerce and agriculture as well as for social security purposes. Another important event in around 1700 is the codification of a set of laws regulating overseas Wajorese commerce and navigation.

The rise of Wajoq (1730–1754)
Since Arung Palakka's death in 1696, none of his successor was as capable as him in maintaining Boné's hegemony over South Sulawesi. This allowed Wajorese trade to flourish without much restriction. Interaction between Wajorese diaspora communities and their homeland intensified, and it culminated in the 1730s when the exiled Wajorese La Maddukelleng came back to South Sulawesi. At first, he and his followers raided several communities in the western part of the peninsula and in the islands near Makassar. In 1736, he assumed the leadership of Pénéki (a constituent polity of Wajoq) and got involved in a confrontation with Boné. Following a retaliatory invasion from Boné, many Wajorese people came to support La Maddukelleng, and he assumed the position of arung matoa (r. 1736–1754) not long after. With popular support, he led Wajoq into victory over Boné. By mid-1737 a peace agreement had been signed, and Boné was obliged to compensate for all the losses Wajoq had suffered under the rulers of Boné since the Makassar War. Liberated from Boné dominance, Wajoq assumed a hegemonic position in South Sulawesi, with Wajorese record even stating that Wajoq was recognized as the leader of the Tellumpocco at the time.

The change in the balance of power in South Sulawesi concerned the Dutch, since Boné was their only ally in the region. La Maddukelleng attacked Dutch... retaliation...

1754–1957
- 19th century... expedition in South Sulawesi early 20th century... constitutionally made part of Indonesia in the late 50s.

Government and politics
<!--

As with many other Bugis states, Wajoq was a confederation of smaller political and territorial communities. These communities were related to each other as well as to the central government at Tosora in various ways, ranging from vassalage to alliance "as between brothers". The polity of Wajoq was divided into three limpo or main districts, namely Béttémpola, Tua, and Talotenreng, which represented its three original founding communities. Each limpo held power over several smaller communities that either chose to affiliate themselves with the said limpo or were conquered. Each of these communities had considerable freedom, with its own leader and customs. It can also switch allegiance between different states, and by doing so, both its people and its territory will be subject to the new state.

Arung matoa is the highest... In running the day-to-day administration of Wajoq, the arung matoa was assisted by three pairs of civilian and military leaders, each pair representing one of the three limpo. The civilian leader of a limpo was called a ranreng or regent, while the military leader was called a baté lompo or "standard bearer". The titles of the baté lompo were taken from the banner they carried: Pilla or "Scarlet" for Béttémpola, Patola or "Multi-colored" for Talotenreng, and Cakkuridi or "Yellow" for Tua. Each of the ranreng and baté lompo were at least as powerful as the arung matoa; together, these seven officials formed the state's highest governing body, known as Petta Wajoq.

The arung matoa was chosen among the "white-blood" or nobility class... The position of arung matoa cannot be held at once with another office. It also cannot be inherited and can only be held for life as long as the ruler was deemed fit for the position. A ruler in South Sulawesi was expected to be subordinate to the state and the adat or customary law which delineates the autonomy of local communities; failure to do so may result in removal from office. In Wajoq, for example, the arung matoa La Samaléwa To Appakiung (r. 1612–1616) was deposed reportedly because of his arbitrary actions.

arung mabbicara.... The central governing council of Wajoq consisted of 40 officials, collectively called the Arung Patampulu (lit. "Forty Lords"), of which the arung matoa was a member as well as the head. The whole members only convened on certain occasions, including the election of a new arung matoa.

The power of Arung Patampulu is balanced by three non-noble officials known as punggawa, who were elected among the elders of each district. Punggawa had considerable power...

- Diaspora governmental structure (focus on Borneo and Makassar)...

Culture and society
The people of Wajoq were attached to an ideology of freedom. Wajorese texts often reiterate that "the people of Wajoq are free", and that their only master is the customary law, which is based on consensus. The concept of the "freedoms of Wajoq" included, among others: freedom of expressing opinions, freedom to act based on one's intention, freedom of movement, freedom of contract, and the freedom from unjust punishment. These "freedoms", however, had limitations and do not necessarily apply to the whole population.

- Social class... the "white bloods" classification... to maradeka (general populace)... ata (slaves)

Bugis women in the precolonial states of South Sulawesi were routinely involved in many aspects of the society. Women were also actively involved in the government. One 19th-century observer states that the women of South Sulawesi were commonly "consulted by the men on all public affairs" and were often "raised to the throne, [even] when the monarchy is elective". The British adventurer James Brooke (future Rajah of Sarawak), notes that at the time of his visit to Wajoq in 1840, four out of six members of Petta Ennengngé were women, who frequently "appear in public like the men; ride, rule, and visit even foreigners, without the knowledge or consent of their husbands."

- Gender relations... marriage... family...

- Religion... old Bugis religion... Islam... priesthood of bissu... Bissu's influence in Wajorese society started to decline especially in the late 19th century, when Islam had became more entrenched.

- The diaspora Wajorese... citizenship...

Economy
- Sources of income... the importance of trade...

--><!--Wajoq was the source of most South Sulawesi overseas merchants between late 17th and late 19th centuries. Wajorese commerce extended as far as Sumatra, Cambodia, and New Guinea. Throughout the Maritime Southeast Asia, Wajorese and other Bugis merchants acted as intermediaries between large and small trading nations. Wajorese trade flourished in part because of deliberate support from the government at Wajoq as well as from Wajorese communities abroad. Leaders of Wajorese overseas communities regularly convened to advance their interest. One such conference in the early 18th century produced a universally agreed set of laws known as the Ammana Gappa law code, named after the leader of the Wajorese community in Makassar. These laws regulated Wajorese commerce and navigation, giving Wajorese traders ways to deal with conflicts and to protect their rights. (kontrak pinjaman...)

The government financially supported Wajorese merchants by providing monetary loans, taken from the fund established by La Saléwangeng. Borrowers were obliged to return the principals alongside parts of their profits. The profits would then be used to further Wajoq's interest, such as building armaments or renovating the state's mosque. This system allowed a large segment of Wajorese population to participate in commerce while also utilizing their economic power for the benefit of the society as a whole.

Origin and etymology
A brief history of dangdut.... krismon... pirated dvd.... dangdut daerah etymology...

Characteristics
sounds of koplo.... spectacle... cultural aspects...

The island of Borneo is home to around 100 Austronesian languages, all of which belong to the Malayo-Polynesian subgroup. Additionally, a significant number of Borneo's Chinese population, mostly on the northwestern part, also speak various Chinese varieties.

Classification and dialects
Buru belongs to the Central Maluku subgroup that also covers most of the Austronesian languages in the Moluccas. Among Central Maluku languages, Buru is thought to be closest to the languages spoken in the islands of Sula and Taliabu, forming the Buru–Sula–Taliabo subgroup. Central Maluku itself form a part of the Central-Eastern branch of Malayo-Polynesian subfamily of Austronesian.

In the 1980s, five Buru dialects were spoken: Masarete, Wae Sama, Rana, Lisela, dan Fogi. Among these dialects, Lisela is the most lexically divergent, as noted by the majority of Buru speakers themselves. Nevertheless, its structure is identical to that of Masarete and Rana, and differences between dialects are not impossible to be bridged. In addition, the people of Buru themselves stressed that all five dialects of Buru are not separate languages, and that there is only one language spoken in the whole island.

Lexicon
All Buru dialects have loanwords. Many of them originated from Dutch and Portuguese during the Dutch colonization and referred to the objects not previously seen on the island. Other types of borrowed words came from Malayan languages as a result of inflow of people from the nearby island.

Taboo
The people of Buru observe a system of taboo or koit which forbids the usage of some words. To avoid these taboo words, Buru speakers often use descriptive phrases, or shift the meanings of other words to cover the taboo ones. One example of the taboo is to refer to relatives by their proper names; one should use kin names instead. If the names of said relatives are based upon the names of living creatures or natural phenomena, then it would be taboo to spell out the names of these creatures or phenomena. However, contrary to many other Austronesian cultures, Buru people do refer to the deceased relatives by name..

Other restrictions apply to the objects of nature, harvest, hunting and fishing, for which certain words should be chosen depending on the island area. These taboo places are known as net koit in Buru. For example, in some taboo places, the word ikan 'fish' should be replaced with the word edhamat 'the thing that floats'. Another example is the word senget 'mosquito' which in some taboo places is replaced with the word inhadat 'the thing that bites'. These kind of taboos have explanations in associated myths of legends.

The largest of these taboo places is the area known as Garan in the northwestern part of the island. It takes roughly two days of travelling by foot to get across the region, and it is taboo to use the everyday speech of Buru there. To avoid using the normal set of lexicon, the Rana dialect speakers who often pass through the area developed a speech register known as li Garan 'the voice/speech of Garan', which lexicon is developed in the same way as the taboo words replacements. For example, in li Garan, the word geba 'person, man' is replaced by em-kise-n (the root kise means 'growing bald' or 'having a high forehead'), ana-fina 'female, woman' is replaced by em-kise-n brenge-t (brenge itself means 'female (cuscus)'), and kira-n 'forehead' is replaced by olo-n hapu-t 'the tied head (where the headcloth is worn)'. Other than being used in the Garan area, the Rana dialect speakers also use this register as a secret language.

Demography and distribution
The language is spoken in most of the island of Buru. Masarete dialect is spoken along the basin of Wa Mala River in the southwestern part of the island, while Wae Sama is spoken in the southeastern coast, Rana in inland parts, Lisela along the northern coastline, and Fogi in the southwestern coast. Rana and Lisela had the highest number of speakers in 1989. Among these dialects, the usage of Masarete, Wae Sama and Rana are still strong. The number of Lisela speakers are decreasing, and Fogi speakers, who form the smallest portion of all Buru speakers in 1989, may have switched completely to Malay.

Phonology
The Buru language has 5 vowels and 17 consonants. The phoneme /dʒ/ only occurs in loanwords.

Writing system
Contrary to other indigenous languages of Buru and the nearby island of Ambelau (Lisela, Kayeli and Ambelau), Buru has a functional writing system based on the Latin alphabet. Buru Christians worship with a Bible written in their native language, the first translations of which were made back in 1904 by Dutch missionaries.

Grammar
The Buru language can be classified as an SVO language, prepositional, with modifiers following the head noun in a noun phrase, and the genitive occurring before the noun.

Negation
In Buru, a speaker's perspective or evaluation of one or several utterances often appears at the end. Even whole stories may be concluded with a sentence or two expressing the speaker's attitude to what was just said, where or who they heard it from, or similar judgements. This is reflected at both the sentence and even clause level by means of auxiliaries, parts of the TAM (Tense-aspect-mood) system, tags, and other such modifiers. Grimes classifies these items as "external to the clause proper". This comes to include speaker evaluation of the truth value of what is said, marked by moo, the main negative adverbial in Buru.



[Sira hapu lafa-t la yako langina] moo.

3.PL tie food-NOM for 1.SG earlier NEG

'They didn't tie up trailfood for me earlier.'

Such clause-final negation is atypical of Austronesian languages, in which the negative almost exclusively appears before the verb or predicate. Clause-final negation is a characteristic of non-Austronesian languages of Papua and Halmahera, which appears to have spread into several Austronesian languages in the region (including Buru) through contacts.

By combining with moo, other negative adverbials have been derived throughout the language's history, giving rise to mohede ("not yet") and tehuk moo ("no longer"). Mohede is a frozen compound of the words moo and hede, where hede is an adverbial with a continuative aspect (translated as "still", i.e. mohede = "still not", c.f. German "noch nicht" or Italian "ancora no(n)"). Unlike other negative adverbials and auxiliaries, the segment tehuk may appear in both the "nucleus" (directly following the verb) or clause-final, as well as (rather uniquely) in both positions at once.



Da kaa mohede.

3.SG eat {not yet}

'He hasn't eaten yet.'



Da kaa gehu-t tehuk moo

3.SG eat taro-NOM longer NEG

'She doesn't eat taro anymore.'



Da kaa tehuk gehu-t tehuk moo.

3.SG eat longer taro-NOM longer NEG

'She doesn't eat taro anymore.'

The deictic element sa can be combined with moo (or any of the other aforementioned negative elements) to mean "nothing, no(ne), nobody". Sa is related to the quantifier sia ("some"), and, as such, constructions involving sa … moo may be glossed as "not one". Where exactly a speaker places this element sa indicates the intended scope of the negation, whilst the negative, as is mandatory for Buru, remains clause final. The negative polarity items "anyone" and "anything" are represented consistently in Buru as ii sa ("one thing") and geba sa ("one person") respectively.



Lea tau-n dii, da dufa sa moo, da oli hama saa.

sun full-GEN DIST 3.SG get one NEG, 3.SG return search one

'All that day, if he gets nothing, he goes home hunting for something.'



Geba sa kaa ii sa mohede.

person one eat thing one {not yet}

'Nobody has eaten anything yet.'



Geba sa kaa ii sa tehuk moo.

person one eat thing one longer NEG

'Nobody is eating anything anymore.'

Moo may also be employed to add stronger emphasis to prohibitive clauses that are introduced by the prohibitive marker bara ("don't").



Bara iko ego pala moo!

don't go get rice NEG

'Do not, by any means, go get rice!'

In the event that moo directly follows a verb, the cliticised object marker -h, if present, will attach to it to form of mohe.



Ya te puna mo.he.

1.SG CAP do NEG.it

'I can't do it.'/'I don't know how to make it.'

Pronouns and Person Markers
Free pronouns may be used equally for the subject and object of intransitive verbs (marking either actor or undergoer).

Examples:


 * (1) ||Yako||paha||ringe
 * || 1SG || hit || 3SG
 * ||colspan=5| "I hit him."
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "I hit him."
 * }




 * (2) ||Ringe||paha||yako
 * || 1SG || hit || 1SG
 * ||colspan=5| "He hit me."
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "He hit me."
 * }




 * (3) ||Yako||iko
 * || 1SG || go
 * ||colspan=5| "I go."
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "I go."
 * }




 * (4) ||Sira||oli
 * || 3PL || return
 * ||colspan=5| "They come back."
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "They come back."
 * }




 * (5) ||Yako||glada
 * || 1SG || hunger
 * ||colspan=5| "I am hungry."
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "I am hungry."
 * }




 * (6) ||Ringe||mata
 * || 3SG || die
 * ||colspan=5| "He died."
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "He died."
 * }

Examples:


 * (7) ||Ya||paha||ringe
 * || 1SG || hit || 3SG
 * ||colspan=5| "I hit him."
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "I hit him."
 * }




 * (8) ||da||paha||yako
 * || 3SG || hit || 1SG
 * ||colspan=5| "He hit me."
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "He hit me."
 * }




 * (9) ||ya||iko
 * || 1SG || go
 * ||colspan=5| "I go."
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "I go."
 * }




 * (10) ||Du||oli
 * || 3PL || return
 * ||colspan=5| "They come back."
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "They come back."
 * }




 * (11) ||Ya||glada
 * || 1SG || hunger
 * ||colspan=5| "I am hungry."
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "I am hungry."
 * }




 * (12) ||Da||mata
 * || 3SG || die
 * ||colspan=5| "He died."
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "He died."
 * }

Possession
Depending on its distribution a possessive word can behave verbally or nominally, or as the head of a predicative possessive construction or as the modifier of the possessive NP. The possessive word is the only word in the Buru language obligatorily inflected for person and number and behaves much like a verb in its affixing possibilities. All examples in this section have been taken from Grimes, 1991 chapter 14.

The basic structure of the constituent is SVO.




 * (1) ||Yako||nango||huma||saa.
 * || 1SG || 1SGPOSS || house || one
 * ||colspan=5| "I have/own a house." (p. 279)
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "I have/own a house." (p. 279)
 * }

Functional and distributional behaviour of the possessive construction:

Applicative /-k/ is used to indicate a definite pronominal object (an object that functions as a pronoun).




 * (2) ||Todo||naa,||ya||nangu-k.
 * || machete || PROX || 1SG || 1SGPOSS-k
 * ||colspan=5| "This machete, it is mine." (p. 280)
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "This machete, it is mine." (p. 280)
 * }




 * (3) ||San||nake-k?
 * || who || 3SGPOSS-k
 * ||colspan=5| "Whose is it?." (p. 280)
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "Whose is it?." (p. 280)
 * }

The possessive word can also accept valence changing verbal prefixes however this is restricted to the third singular form 'nake'.




 * (4) ||Petu||kami||rua||hai||em-nake-k||eta||dena||na||Rana.
 * || SEQ || 1PLE || two || follow || STAT-3SGPOSS-k || until || arrive || PROX || lake
 * ||colspan=5| "So the two of us followed as his companion-assistants until arriving here at Rana." (p. 280)
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "So the two of us followed as his companion-assistants until arriving here at Rana." (p. 280)
 * }




 * (5) ||Geba-ro||kadu-k||pa||du||wana||em-nake-k||eta||lea.
 * || person-PL || come-k || REAL || 3PL || awake || STAT-3SGPOSS-k || until || sun
 * ||colspan=5| "People came and they stayed away at his disposal keeping him company until dawn." (p. 280)
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "People came and they stayed away at his disposal keeping him company until dawn." (p. 280)
 * }

People can be put at someone’s disposal through the combination of /ep-em-/.




 * (6) ||Kawasan||p-em-nake-k||geba||rua||ute||ringe||eta||dena||la||masi.
 * || head || CAUS-STAT-3SGPOSS-k || person || two || DAT || 3SG || until || arrive || downstream || sea
 * ||colspan=5| "The village head put two people at his disposal until they should reach the coast." (p. 280/1)
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "The village head put two people at his disposal until they should reach the coast." (p. 280/1)
 * }

The possessive word, with or without a proceeding cliticised free pronoun, functions as a possessive pronoun with a NP.




 * (7) ||Da||kala-k||ya||nang||ama.
 * || 3SG || call-k || [1SG || 1SGPOSS || father]NP
 * ||colspan=5| "He summoned my father." (p. 281)
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "He summoned my father." (p. 281)
 * }




 * (8) ||Da||lata-h||tu||ya||nang||todo.
 * || 3SG || cut-it || [with || 1SG || 1SGPOSS || machete]
 * ||colspan=5| "He cut it with my machete." (p. 281)
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "He cut it with my machete." (p. 281)
 * }

Used with verbs of exchange, the possessive word can have the force of a dative argument.




 * (9) ||Ego||nang||pawe||saa.
 * || Get || 1SGPOSS || mango || one
 * ||colspan=5| "Get me a mango/get a mango for me." (p. 281)
 * }
 * ||colspan=5| "Get me a mango/get a mango for me." (p. 281)
 * }

Pranala luar
-->
 * Kosa kata dasar bahasa Buru dari Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database